Section: 3A1 - Making Law (general)
Number of quotes: 410
A Chronicle of the Last Pagans
Pierre Chuvin
Book ID: 4 Page: 15
Section: 3A1
Either shortly after 300, or perhaps in May 309, an assembly of bishops met in Illiberis (Elvira), in Spain, to tell the faithful what was permitted and what was not.PJ Note: I think that 3A1 can be used for making laws that concern both people and property.
Quote ID: 28
Time Periods: 4
A History Of The Inquisition Of The Middle Ages Vol. I
Henry Charles Lea, LL.D.
Book ID: 9 Page: 2
Section: 3A1
Thus intrusted with responsibility for the fate of mankind, it is necessary that the Church should possess the powers and the machinery requisite for the due discharge of a trust so unspeakably important.
Quote ID: 117
Time Periods: 7
A History Of The Inquisition Of The Middle Ages Vol. I
Henry Charles Lea, LL.D.
Book ID: 9 Page: 2
Section: 3A1
Not only did the humblest priest wield a supernatural power which marked him as one elevated above the common level of humanity, but his person and possessions were alike inviolable. No matter what crimes he might commit, secular justice could not take cognizance of them, and secular officials could not arrest him. He was amenable only to the tribunals of his own order, which were debarred from inflicting punishments involving the effusion of blood, and from whose decisions an appeal to the supreme jurisdiction of distant Rome conferred too often virtual immunity.
Quote ID: 118
Time Periods: 67
A Public Faith: From Constantine To The Medieval World AD 312-600 Vol. 2
Ivor J. Davidson
Book ID: 10 Page: 36/37
Section: 3A1,3C1
Most crucially, the canons of Nicaea enshrined the principle that certain churches had a right to exercise authority over certain others. Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome were recognized as having rights respectively over the entire provincial territories of Egypt and Libya, Syria, and southern Italy. Their bishops were deemed to have specific duties as “metropolitans”, or leaders of an entire province rather than just a local diocese. They were to hold jurisdiction over other bishops within their provinces and have the right of veto over episcopal candidates in these regions.
Quote ID: 143
Time Periods: 4
A Short History of the Catholic Church
Jose Orlandis
Book ID: 323 Page: 31
Section: 3A1
Applying what has been termed the ‘principle of accommodation’, the Church used the administrative structure of Roman cities as the basis of its own administration.
Quote ID: 7762
Time Periods: 4
Apostolic Tradition Of St. Hippolytus of Rome, The
Edited by Gregory Dix and Henry Chadwick
Book ID: 274 Page: 2
Section: 2C,3A1
I.ii.1 Let the bishop be ordained being in all things without fault chosen by all the people.
Quote ID: 6915
Time Periods: 2
Apostolic Tradition Of St. Hippolytus of Rome, The
Edited by Gregory Dix and Henry Chadwick
Book ID: 274 Page: 26
Section: 2D3B,3A1,3A4C
Servants of the Pagan StateII.xvi.17. A soldier who is in authority must be told not to execute men; if he should be ordered to do it, he shall not do it. He must be told not to take the military oath. If he will not agree, let him be rejected.
xvi.18. A military governor or a magistrate of a city who wears the purple, let him be cast out. He has despised God.
xv1.19. If a catechumen or a baptized Christian wants to become a soldier, let him be cast out. For he has despised God.
Quote ID: 6924
Time Periods: 2
Augustus to Constantine
Robert M. Grant
Book ID: 34 Page: 77/79
Section: 2D3B,3A1
The first and most important encounter between Christianity and the Roman government took place in the year 30 when Jesus himself was brought before the Roman prefect of Judaea, who condemned him to death and had the title “King of the Jews” affixed to his cross.. . . .
They could not accept the gods or the rites of the Graeco-Roman world. They were not concerned with restoring the Roman republic or with any particular form of governmental order.
Quote ID: 594
Time Periods: 1
Bede – Ecclesiastical History of the English People
History translated by Leo Sherley-Price; Revised by R. E. Latham; Translation of the minor works, ne
Book ID: 80 Page: 49
Section: 3A1
*John’s Note: Xty was an arm of the government, OR the government was an arm of Xty depending on which leader, at the time, was stronger. Could be right handed or left handed.*
Quote ID: 2159
Time Periods: 47
Birth of Europe, The
Jacques Le Goff
Book ID: 199 Page: 23
Section: 3A1
The Christian West was divided into territories in the main based on the ancient Roman administrative divisions. They were known as dioceses.
Quote ID: 4494
Time Periods: 357
Birth of Europe, The
Jacques Le Goff
Book ID: 199 Page: 23
Section: 3A1,4B
Like bishops, many saints belonged to the upper Romano-barbarian strata of society. The leaders of the new Christian society came from aristocratic families. The aristocracy was educated and it ensured that government fell to the new, Christian, elite.
Quote ID: 4495
Time Periods: 4567
Bishops, Barbarians, and the Battle for Gaul
Matthew E. Bunson
Book ID: 41 Page: 1
Section: 3A1,4B
In the face of the invasions, the Church in Gaul was confronted with many of the same difficulties as the communities elsewhere in the West, including the disappearance of local Roman authority and the emergence of violent barbarian kingdoms built upon the remains of Gallo-Roman civilization. Of the surviving institutions of Roman imperial society, however, only the Church in Gaul was positioned ideally not merely to endure but to influence those who claimed supremacy over the fallen empire.The history of the Church is filled with periods in which the Church has stood as the last vestige of civilization, of light, and of hope. Gaul in the early fifth century was just such a time.
Quote ID: 897
Time Periods: 5
Caesar and Christ: The Story of Civilization
Will Durant
Book ID: 43 Page: 647
Section: 2D3B,3A1,4B
Pagan civilization was founded upon the state, Christian civilization upon religion. To a Roman, his religion was part of the structure and ceremony of government, and his morality culminated in patriotism; to a Christian his religion was something apart from and superior to political society; his highest allegiance belonged not to Caesar but to Christ. Tertullian laid down the revolutionary principle that no man need obey a law that he deemed unjust. {4} The Christian revered his bishop, even his priest, far above the Roman magistrate; he submitted his legal troubles with fellow Christians to his church authorities rather than to the officials of the state. {5} The detachment of the Christian from earthly affairs seemed to the pagan a flight from civic duty, a weakening of the national fiber and will. Tertullian advised Christians to refuse military service; and that a substantial number of them followed his counsel is indicated by Celsus’ appeal to end this refusal, and Origen’s reply that though Christians will not fight for the Empire they will pray for it. {6}
Quote ID: 927
Time Periods: 234
Carthage: A History
B.H. Warmington
Book ID: 47 Page: 156
Section: 3A1,4B
The Romans were now fully embarked upon a policy of prudent generosity, the aim of which was to bind defeated states to them by liberal treatment.{2} On the one hand the manpower at their disposal would increase with every settlement of this kind, while on the other there would be no need to disperse their strength in maintaining garrisons amongst embittered and vengeful subjects. It is true that in earlier days Rome had sometimes annihilated a defeated state completely in order to satisfy the land-hunger of an increasing population of active peasants, and in future times policy or greed led on occasion to similar acts of ruthlessness, but in general the more sensible policy prevailed in Italy.[Footnote 2] See especially A.N. Sherwin White, The Roman Citizenship, 1939.
Quote ID: 1075
Time Periods: 012
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 4
Section: 3A1,4B
The church’s exterior was - and still is - a monument to power.
Quote ID: 6533
Time Periods: 4567
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 32
Section: 3A1
For Lotario, there was little difference in the two positions - except that the supreme pontiff of Latin Christendom was by far the superior one. The pope was the sole earthly guardian of absolute, irrefragable truth. Disagreement with him was not dissent, it was treason.
Quote ID: 6546
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 33
Section: 3A1
....as Pope Gregory VII, had affirmed the pontiff’s superiority over all the crowned heads of Christendom.
Quote ID: 6547
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 39
Section: 3A1,3A4
As Pope Innocent III, he had now been given, in his words, “not only the universal church but the whole world to govern.”
Quote ID: 6549
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 119
Section: 3A1
A zealous bureaucracy dedicated to elaborating canon law had expanded, for Rome’s aim was nothing less than to codify, and thereby control, the affairs of a continent. Even the disgraceful Fourth Crusade had been turned to Innocent’s advantage. The sack of Constantinople led to the installation of a Latin patriarch in the episcopal palace of Byzantium. For the first time in centuries, all of Christendom genuflected toward Rome.
Quote ID: 6582
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 151
Section: 3A1
Given the pope’s theocratic bent, the assembly not only defined dogma but also legislated on the secular affairs of Europe.
Quote ID: 6588
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 151
Section: 3A1
The Fourteenth Lateran Council was the clearest expression of Innocent’s quest to be the shepherd of European destiny.
Quote ID: 6589
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 181
Section: 3A1
The English realm, recovering from the disastrous reign of King John, was in the throes of baronial revolt. (Indeed, in 1216, Louis had briefly accepted the crown of England at the invitation of the barons, until the pope stepped in and excommunicated him.)
Quote ID: 6596
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 183
Section: 3A1,3A4C
...now he was the person of the king, the repository of almost sacramental power. To defy him and his powerful army was to be both doomed and damned.
Quote ID: 6597
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 184
Section: 3A1,4B
As the French poured over the borders of Languedoc, Louis received fawning letters of obeisance from many local nobles. “It has come to our knowledge that our lord cardinal has decreed that all the land of the count of Toulouse shall be annexed to your domain,” one letter stated. “We rejoice from the bottom or our hearts...and we are impatient to be in the shadow of your wings and under your wise dominion.”
Quote ID: 6598
Time Periods: 47
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 187
Section: 3A1,3A2A
Twenty years earlier, Count Raymond VI of Toulouse had staggered up the steps of the church at St. Gilles, his public penance coinciding with the start of the Albigensian Crusade. Now, on April 12, 1229, it was the turn of his son, Raymond VII, to receive the same humiliating treatment, this time to mark the end of the crusade. Just as before, a papal legate handled the switch, bringing the twigs down on the mortified flesh of the nobleman.
Quote ID: 6599
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 191
Section: 3A1,3A2A
On August 5, 1234, a wealthy old lady of Toulouse said on her deathbed that she wanted to make a good end. Her servants scuttled down the stairs and out into the street. They had to find a Perfect, hidden somewhere in the attics and cellars of the city. . . . The servants made cautious inquiries at the houses of those who quietly shared the old lady’s faith. In time, they returned with what they were seeking - a Perfect, who administered the consolamentum to the ailing woman, then left as stealthily as he had come.
Quote ID: 6602
Time Periods: 7
Cathars: Perfect Heresy, The
Stephen O’Shea
Book ID: 261 Page: 277
Section: 2C,3A1
the pontiff’s superiority over all the crowned heads of Christendom: The chutzpah of Gregory VII can still take one’s breath away. In a volume of his correspondence, historians found a list that contains the following statements: “The pope can be judged by no one; the Roman church has never erred and never will err till the end of time; the Roman church was founded by Christ alone; the pope alone can depose and restore bishops; he alone can make new laws, set up new bishoprics, and divide old ones; he alone can translate bishops; he alone can call general councils and authorize canon law; he alone can revise his own judgments; he alone can use the imperial insignia; he can depose emperors; he can absolve subjects from their allegiance; all princes should kiss his feet” (source: R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, p. 102).
Quote ID: 6631
Time Periods: 7
Christian History Magazine: Converting by the Sword, Issue 63 Vol. XVIII No. 3
Richard Fletcher
Book ID: 360 Page: 42
Section: 3A1
To explore the topic, CHRISTIAN HISTORY spoke with Richard Fletcher, history professor at the University of York, England.
Quote ID: 8179
Time Periods: 4
Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical
Frank C. Senn
Book ID: 54 Page: 174/175
Section: 3A1,4B
In the sixth century, these Gothic kingdoms were overrun by the Lombards, although the newcomers were not able to conquer either Rome or Ravenna. The Italian peninsula was ruined by wars between the Lombards and the eastern Roman Emperors, who tried to reclaim Italy as a part of the Roman Empire. They did not succeed.Only the pope remained as a representative of the old culture, and the popes increasingly sided with the Gothic kings against the Byzantine emperors. This independent position of the papacy was firmly established when King Pippin of the Franks compelled the Lombards to surrender the territories of the Byzantine exarchate and turned them over, not to the emperor, but to the see of St. Peter as a papal state in 756. Pope Stephen II made Pippin, his wife and sons, “patricians of the Romans.”
Quote ID: 1217
Time Periods: 67
Christianity & Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 57 Page: 42
Section: 3A1
That was against the law. For Constantine had spoken and legislated against the slaughter of animals in offering to the gods; so had his son, followed by Theodosius most sternly in the 390s.
Quote ID: 1286
Time Periods: 4
Christianizing the Roman Empire
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 58 Page: 45
Section: 3A1
. . . we have the one breach of toleration certainly recorded: a moment when three legions in the east support a (non-Christian) pretender with “the invocation of Jupiter, as soldiers do.”
Quote ID: 1439
Time Periods: 45
Christianizing the Roman Empire
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 58 Page: 47
Section: 3A1,3A4,3C
Turning back to our point of departure, the weight of religion in Constantine’s day, we have noted that two-thirds of his government at the top were non-Christian.
Quote ID: 1442
Time Periods: 4
Christianizing the Roman Empire
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 58 Page: 113/114
Section: 3A1,3A4,3C
Bishops now actually dined with Constantine himself; they used Constantius’ palace as their headquarters. They were seen riding along provincial highways in state conveyances, bent on their high affairs, as guests of the government. All the world could behold what fantastic changes had come about in the repute and position of ecclesiastical officials. What they said now had an authority acknowledged by the emperors themselves; it hardly needed miracles to rest on.
Quote ID: 1496
Time Periods: 4
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 15
Section: 3A1
Although the Catholic Church currently accepts and affirms the state, it originally resisted the emergence of sovereign states as Europe transitioned to modernity.
Quote ID: 1512
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 20
Section: 3A1
The nadir of this challenge for the Catholic Church was Italian unification, when in 1870, in what was called the Risorgimento, Italian troops conquered the Papal States (Crawford 1979:153).{9} When Italian troops were on the verge of taking the Vatican, Pius IX called the First Vatican Council (1869-1870). This council promulgated the doctrine of papal infallibility, meaning that when the pope speaks formally ex cathedra on faith and morals (which is very rare), the teaching becomes Catholic dogma (Burns 1992). Two months later, Italian troops storm Rome, ending more than a thousand years of Vatican temporal authority (Gontard 1964: 512).….
The Roman Question is the term describing the controversy between the Vatican and the Italian government from 1870 to 1929 over the status of the Vatican. Neither of the two would recognize the other’s sovereignty, and each considered the other to be interfering in its internal affairs. On February 11, 1929, however, the Italian government, under Mussolini, and the Vatican, under Pius XI, signed the Lateran Treaty. Pursuant to the treaty, Italy ceded the Vatican forty-four hectares, which became the new State of the Vatican City (Kunz, 1952: 312). Italy recognized the sovereignty of the Vatican and recognized the Catholic Church as the official state religion.{10} In turn, the Vatican recognized the Italian government.{11}
Quote ID: 1516
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 44
Section: 3A1
In sum, for all its worldliness, to Luther the world is still a sacred place for all Christians - even though it belongs to the devil. There can be no abdication from the world for Lutherans. It is their vocation to be in it, and in its politics.
Quote ID: 1522
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 74
Section: 3A1
The Anabaptist movement is often referred to as the radical fringe of the Reformation.{2} Some of the first Anabaptists, Felix Manz and Conrad Grebel, were students of Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland. They supported Zwingli’s break with the Catholic Church and his push for reform, but they were uncomfortable with the way Zwingli used political power. Zwingli tried to work through the Zurich council, the local political authority, to win the council over to his side. His goal was to harness the power of the council and get it to establish policies that supported the position of the reformers. Zwingli believed it was the role and appropriate place of political authorities, such as the council, to oversee the implementation of the Reformation. Manz and Grebel disagreed.
Quote ID: 1524
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 75
Section: 3A1,3A4C
One “Anabaptist Church” never formed and that Anabaptist remained a movement, splitting into different sects based on locality of origin and beliefs, rather than a theologically unified group.….
One of the first lasting articulations of Swiss Brethren theology was the Schleitheim Confession of 1527, which marked the beginning of the free church, meaning that its membership was not defined by political authorities.{4} The Schleitheim Confession expressed the Swiss Anabaptist positions of adult baptism based on professed belief, refusal to take oaths, the free election of church leaders, and Communion not as a sacrament or transubstantiation, but as an expression of Christian community. The rejection of violence or the “devilish weapons of force - such as sword, armor and the like, and all their use [either] for friends or against one’s enemies - by virtue of the Word of Christ” (Swiss Brethren Conference 1527) was also present. Beliefs regarding the state were taken a step further than previously articulated, and the members of the Brethren were encouraged to reject any service to the state, be it military or otherwise.
….
“Finally it will be observed that it is not appropriate for a Christian to serve as a magistrate because of these points: The government magistracy is according to the flesh, but the Christian’s is according to the Spirit; their houses and dwelling remain in this world, but the Christian’s are in heaven; their citizenship is in this world, but the Christian’s citizenship is in heaven; the weapons of their conflict and war are carnal and against the flesh only, but the Christian’s weapons are spiritual, against the fortification of the devil. The worldlings are armed with steel and iron, but the Christians are armed with the armor of God, with truth, righteousness, peace, faith, salvation and the Word of God. In brief, as in the mind of God toward us, so shall the mind of the members of the body of Christ be through Him in all things, that there may be no schism in the body through which it would be destroyed. For every kingdom divided against itself will be destroyed.” (Swiss Brethren Conference 1527)
Quote ID: 1526
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 95
Section: 3A1
Over the course of several years, Henry drew on existing antipapist and national sentiment in England to convince Parliament to name him the supreme head of the church and to deny explicitly the authority of the pope in England. By 1534, authority over the church in England and its wealth was vested solely in the king and, under the king, Parliament. The new ecclesial leader, the archbishop of the Church of England, possessed autonomy from the pope in Rome but served the church under the authority of the English monarch. The church in England and been transformed into a church of England.
Quote ID: 1528
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 118
Section: 3A1,3A2A
On the other side of the Atlantic, the dissenter Roger Williams founded Providence Plantation in 1636. The evangelical emphases led Williams that helped lay the foundations not only for his insistence on religious liberty but also for his advocacy of “a wall of separation between the garden of the Church and the wilderness of the world,” as he famously formulated it in 1643. Where the two have been confounded, the result has been a disastrous corruption of faith. “The practicing of civil force upon the consciences of men,” Williams wrote in refutation of Cotton Mather’s defense of state discipline of the ungodly, “is so far from preserving religion pure, it is a mighty bulwark or barricade sic, to keep out all true religion” (quoted in Backus 1773).
Quote ID: 1530
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 119
Section: 3A1
For their conception of the state, Wesley, and many other 18th-century evangelicals were largely content with the political maxims of the New Testament that enjoined believers to fear God, honor the king, and pay their taxes.
Quote ID: 1531
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 136
Section: 3A1
With remarkable consistency over more than three hundred years, evangelicals have offered a view of the state that has systematically repudiated the longstanding tendency of the Western Christian political tradition to view “statecraft as soulcraft,” to borrow George Will’s felicitous formula (Will 1983). According to this classic tendency, the state plays a central role in the moral and spiritual formation of individuals. Indeed, the core function of political authority is to assist individuals in the acquisition of those virtues without which they cannot know and achieve the summum bonum. Princes on this view were above all seen as benevolent teachers whose central duty was to exercise a fatherly care over the moral and spiritual well-being of their subjects. The “magisterial” Reformers Luther and Calvin embraced this view with much the same conviction and vigor as Augustine and Aquinas.
Quote ID: 1533
Time Periods: ?
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 155
Section: 3A1
For the early Pentecostals, individual identity was found in Christ, and therefore, a believer’s nationality was Christian, rather than American or affiliated with some other state.….
Once again, we see similarity in perspective linking the Anabaptist and Pentecostal-Holiness traditions. For both, the spiritual and eternal focus of the kingdom of heaven must necessarily supersede, and in many cases annul, the fleshly and temporal focus of the kingdom of man. As citizens of heaven, Christians should employ spiritual “weapons” as they seek change, not fleshly weapons like politics.
Quote ID: 1539
Time Periods: 7
Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement
Edited by Sandra F. Joireman
Book ID: 60 Page: 179
Section: 3A1
In his classic Christ and Culture - a study that explores major alternative theological traditions on the relationship of faith to temporal life - Niebuhr reminds readers than no single church, group, or individual can provide an authoritative voice for the work of Christ in the world because God’s redemptive strategy is “in the mind of the Captain rather than of any lieutenants.”{21} Because no tradition provides a complete answer to the question of “Christ and culture,” believers should be humble and tentative in their political pronouncements, remembering that history will remain, to the end of time, inconclusive and indeterminate.
Quote ID: 1543
Time Periods: 7
Cicero: The Nature of the Gods
Translated by P.G. Walsh
Book ID: 61 Page: xxiv
Section: 3A1
The conduct of Roman religion was managed by the politicians. The senate was endowed with supreme authority in all matters religious. They delegated decisions to the four main priesthoods, the pontifices (the advisory board of priest who assisted the magistrates in their sacral functions), the augurs, the quindecimviri sacris faciundis (‘the fifteen men in charge of the ritual’ who were custodians of the Sibylline books), and the septemviri epulonum (the seven in charge of the feasts), but the individuals appointed to these offices were not a priestly caste, but men active in public affairs. Apart from the priest of Jupiter (flamen Dialis), who could not quit Rome for extended periods and whose political advancement was therefore restricted, sacral officials were usually magistrates or ex-magistrates.
Quote ID: 1544
Time Periods: 0
Civilization of Europe in the Renaissance, The
John Hale
Book ID: 202 Page: 66/67
Section: 3A1
In a popular school geography textbook of 1542, the Cosmographic Rudiments of Johann Honter, many times republished until the end of the century, the maps showed rivers, mountains and major cities but no borders, and the place-names – all in Latin – reflect the provinces of the Roman and medieval worlds rather than a contemporary political survey.
Quote ID: 4617
Time Periods: 7
Civilization of Europe in the Renaissance, The
John Hale
Book ID: 202 Page: 113
Section: 3A1
Before Protestantism challenged a fairly relaxed, because monopolistic, Catholicism…….
Abbots could summon tenants to defend their property rights in arms. Rome was a salon for worldly cardinals and a marketplace of international diplomacy as well as a magnet for pilgrims; it was Caput Mundi, head of the world, for its admirers, Coda Mundi, the world’s anus, for those who deplored the mercenariness of its clergy and the number of its prostitutes. All these historically induced anomalies and opinions were taken by most in their stride.
Quote ID: 4619
Time Periods: 7
Civilizations of the Middle Ages: A Completely Revised and Expanded Edition of Medieval History, The
Norman F. Cantor
Book ID: 203 Page: 38
Section: 3A1
One explanation for the accommodation of church and empire may be that Christianity was not primarily a religion of slaves and of the downtrodden. Many (or most) of the Christians of the Roman Empire came from the middle class, and a few came from the ranks of the aristocracy. The men who rose to be leaders of the church were apt to be of substantial family, to be well educated, to be unlikely to attack the prevailing social order.
Quote ID: 4651
Time Periods: 456
Civilizations of the Middle Ages: A Completely Revised and Expanded Edition of Medieval History, The
Norman F. Cantor
Book ID: 203 Page: 42
Section: 3A1
Gibbon’s other explanation for the decline of Rome was the success of Christianity. (He did not say that Christianity alone caused the decline, but that it was one factor.)…
Also, the church deprived the empire of its natural leaders, as able and educated men chose to become bishops and abbots, rather than imperial governors. One may respond that this situation was not entirely the fault of the church, that these men have been alienated from the state to begin with. By the late empire, government must have seemed a difficult and dangerous (if not hopeless) job, and many men looked for alternative careers.
Quote ID: 4659
Time Periods: 456
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 85
Section: 3A1
In the unsettled conditions for the third century, Christians provided secure communities, and even army officers and state officials were now converting. Some of the eastern cities may have had a Christian majority by 300.
Quote ID: 4815
Time Periods: 3
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 202/203
Section: 3A1,3A4B,2E2
The emperor’s desire to bring the bishops into the fabric of the state involved a dramatic reversal of their status. Enormous patronage became available to those bishops ready to accept the emperor’s position on doctrine, and those who took advantage of it came to have access to vast wealth and social prestige. Rome was earmarked for the bishop’s household, so that by the end of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus was able to describe the extravagant lifestyle of the bishops of Rome: “Enriched by the gifts of matrons, they ride in carriages, dress splendidly and outdo kings in the lavishness of their table.”This was not the whole story as Ammianus himself recognized. As we shall see, many Christians were sufficiently repelled by the new wealth of the Church to be drawn to asceticism; even if they did not make for the desert themselves, many bishops turned to austerity and gave their wealth to the poor to reinforce their Christian authority. Whether they succumbed to the financial temptations or not, however, bishops were now men with a stake in good order, and when the traditional city elites and, in the west, the structure of government itself collapsed, it was to be they who took control.
Quote ID: 4894
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 203
Section: 3C,3A1
After Constantine’s reign the hierarchy of bishops began to mirror the political hierarchy. The capital city of each province, the seat of the provincial governor, became the seat of the metropolitan bishop, who exercised some authority over the other bishops of the province.
Quote ID: 4896
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 208
Section: 2E3,3A1,3C
Sabine MacCormack notes how once Christ was represented with such imperial imagery, the emperors ceased to make use of it: “Once an image of majesty had been applied to Christ it was impossible to apply it again to the emperor.”{15.} S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkely and London, 1981), p. 130
Quote ID: 4905
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 208/209
Section: 3A1
In the mosaiced figures of the apses and walls of the churches of the subsequent centuries God, Christ, the Virgin Mary, the disciples and saints and martyrs are dressed as emperors of the imperial court.
Quote ID: 4906
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 212
Section: 3A1
Basil of Caesarea, for instance, fought against attempts by the imperial government to limit the number of clergy in a diocese who could claim tax exemption, arguing that the church should have an absolute right to decide for itself who should and should not be clergy.
Quote ID: 4914
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 214
Section: 3A1,3A4
In short, the bishops combined the roles of spiritual leader, patron, estates manager, builder, overseer of law and order, city representative, and protector of the poor among others.
Quote ID: 4919
Time Periods: 34
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 216
Section: 3A1
By tying the bishops into the imperial administration and at the same time giving them access to wealth and status (which they could, of course, use in a variety of ways so long as these did not subvert the social order), the state had achieved a major political transformation from which there would be no turning back.One consequence was that the balance of power between church and state had shifted so that the more confident and determined bishops were even prepared to assert church authority over the state. The prime example of this is Ambrose of Milan.
Quote ID: 4923
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 217
Section: 3A1
Ambrose, bishop of Milan between 374 and 397, is perhaps the most fascinating example of how a bishop survived in the tricky and unsettled political climate of the late fourth century. His success meant that he is seen as one of the cornerstone figures of late-fourth-century Christianity, elevated together with his contemporaries Augustine and Jerome as on the “Doctors of the Church.”
Quote ID: 4924
Time Periods: 4
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 218
Section: 3A1
He was highly able, an effective orator with impressive administrative skills and flair for manipulating situations to his politcal advantage. He was not, however (again like most of the class he came from), an original thinker, and although he knew Greek, he never fully penetrated the intricacies of the theologies he now diligently set to absorbing. His most famous pastoral work, On the Duties of Ministers, was largely a reworking from a Christian perspective of Cicero’s On Duties, and when he began plagiarizing Greek works he earned himself a stern rebuke from the scholarly Jerome for “decking himself out like a crow with someone else’s plumes.”
Quote ID: 4926
Time Periods: 45
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 260
Section: 3A1
Muddled by these vague formulas and distortions, the debate degenerated into a power struggle, and it was here that the determined Cyril triumphed over the less politically adept Nestorius. At the Council of Ephesus, called in 431 by the emperor Theodosius II to settle the matter, Cyril arrived early with a large group of strong men (they were euphemistically referred to as “hospital attendants”), overawed the imperial commissioner sent by Theodosius to preside, completed the business before the supporters of Nestorius had even assembled and then used massive bribery to keep Theodosius and his court on his side. Nestorius was condemned as a heretic. Theodosius was stunned by the controversy and bargained with the Alexandrians that the divisive anathemas be withdrawn for the debate in return for the condemnations of Nestorius, whose works were ordered by imperial decree to be burned in 435.
Quote ID: 4959
Time Periods: 5
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 298
Section: 3A1,3A4
The Christian can, and should, participate in the state’s activities, as a soldier or administrator, and Augustine expected the Christian to uphold the authority of the state and play an active part in supporting its values. (“What is more horrible than the public executioner? Yet he has a necessary place in the legal system, and he is part of the order of a well governed society.”) War was to be avoided if possible, but Augustine accepted it as part of life: Christians should not shrink from it if their state was threatened or if it would secure peace and safety for human society. Once Christians were in the army, it was not wrong to kill in the obedience of orders, even if they were unjust. Hierarchy, where those below have the duty of obey those above them, is the natural way of things, whether in church, state or family. Even at its best, however, the state can only be an echo of the “City of God.”
Quote ID: 4985
Time Periods: 5
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 298
Section: 3A1,3A4
The City of God proved to be the foundation document of Christian political thought, though it presents a view of society which seems radically different from that of the Gospels.
Quote ID: 4986
Time Periods: ?
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 305
Section: 3A1
The rare depictions of crucifixion in the fifth century show no sign of Christ’s humiliation and suffering--perhaps christians still found it difficult to accept the degradation of crucifixion. The words “who was crucified for us” were added to the litany for the first time in the 470s in Antioch. By 1300 his suffering is shown in prurient detail.
Quote ID: 4995
Time Periods: 5
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 305
Section: 3A1,3A3
Yet at the same time, what was now the Roman Catholic Church was assuming responsibility for the poor and unloved. The tradition of learning was narrow, particularly by comparison with the classical world, but in so far as education was preserved it was through the Church, as was a system of health care. These centuries were also a time when imperial authority had disappeared and the Church in the west began to fill the vacuum. The Church preserved Roman law and the bishops a structure of institutional authority.
Quote ID: 4996
Time Periods: 345
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 339
Section: 3A1
In conclusion, it is worth asking why the political dimension to the making of Christian doctrine has been so successfully expunged from the history of the western churches. It is virtually ignored in most histories of Christianity.
Quote ID: 5004
Time Periods: 47
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 339
Section: 3A1
History still has to be rewritten in the west, but the process is complete by the time of Gregory the Great [PJ: c. 540–604]. His immediate concern was to establish his own authority over the remains of an empire in which traditional imperial authority had disintegrated. There was no one to prevent him from rewriting the history of Christian doctrine as if the emperors had never played a part in it, and so he did.
Quote ID: 5005
Time Periods: 56
Closing of the Western Mind, The
Charles Freeman
Book ID: 205 Page: 339
Section: 3A1
It is only recently that scholars have begun to appreciate the extent to which the emperors actually made, in the words of Hilary of Poitiers [saw it in the 4th century!], the bishops their slaves. It is simplistic to talk of the Greek tradition of rational thought being suppressed by Christians. It makes more sense to argue that the suppression took place at the hands of a state supported by a church which it had itself politicized (and, in the process, removed from its roots in the Gospel teachings).
Quote ID: 5006
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 8771
Time Periods: 14
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9767
Time Periods: 14
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9773
Time Periods: 14
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9788
Time Periods: 14
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9873
Time Periods: 14
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 8774
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9770
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9776
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9791
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9876
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 8775
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9771
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9777
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9792
Time Periods: 4
Complete Palladas, The
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9877
Time Periods: 4
Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance
H.A. Drake
Book ID: 65 Page: 11
Section: 3A1,3C
At the same time, Constantine endowed the bishops with unprecedented legal and juridical privileges.
Quote ID: 1669
Time Periods: 4
Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance
H.A. Drake
Book ID: 65 Page: 107
Section: 3A1
Theoretically, the people who filled priestly offices in the Greco-Roman world did so because of some personal worth. But in that world “personal worth” pretty much was defined as a matter of station, or of birth, or both. This meant that in practice traditional priests came from the same elites who ran everything else in the ancient state.
Quote ID: 1677
Time Periods: 04
Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance
H.A. Drake
Book ID: 65 Page: 110
Section: 3A1
In the third century, the empire would experience an unprecedented series of disasters, both natural and civic. If playing the game of empire meant commanding sufficient resources to ensure that one’s interests could not be ignored, then the disasters of that century made clear that the church was ready to become a player, and the bishops to serve as an alternative to the traditional ruling elites.
Quote ID: 1679
Time Periods: 3
Constantine the Great
Michael Grant
Book ID: 66 Page: 99/100
Section: 3A1,4B
Everybody was out for what they could get. Officers treated their soldiers dishonestly, and pay was stolen. There were bribes at church councils Example: #06 pg. 237-238, and recurrent charges of handing over money in order to become a priest and gain high church office. Silvanus, the Donatist bishop of Constantina (Cirta), took bribes. Rich pagans claimed exemption from civic taxes and duties on the false ground that they were Christian priests.
Quote ID: 1696
Time Periods: 4
Continuity and Change in Roman Religion
J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz
Book ID: 313 Page: 33
Section: 3A1
Both reading and personal experience made Roman nobles exceptionally clear-sighted about the social function of religion.{2} They were perfectly ready to concede that if religion was not true, it would have to be invented, and even that the state religion of Rome had been deliberately invented for a political purpose.{3}
Quote ID: 7609
Time Periods: 0
Continuity and Change in Roman Religion
J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz
Book ID: 313 Page: 36/37
Section: 3A1
The state religion is a political artefact exactly like the secular machinery of government, and it came into existence after the state.{1}{1} Augustine, C. D. vi. 3-4. See G. Lieberg, ‘Die “theologia tripertita” ’, A.N.R.W. i. 4. 66-115.
Quote ID: 8174
Time Periods: 0
Continuity and Change in Roman Religion
J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz
Book ID: 313 Page: 298/299
Section: 1A,3C,3A1
Constantine, in various ways, some more successful than others, tried to Christianize the Roman empire. At the same time Christianity, as a result of being the religion of the emperor, was being Romanized and the Church became something like an image of the empire. As more members of the ruling classes were converted the social status of bishops and that of secular dignitaries began to converge.{1} The ecclesiastical administration based on city, province,{2} and patriarchate{3} began to mirror the imperial administration based on cities, provinces, and dioceses.
Quote ID: 7630
Time Periods: 14
Councils: First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787): Their History and Theology, The
Leo Donald Davis
Book ID: 224 Page: 23
Section: 3A1
Constantine would later find the Church governed by procedures with which he was familiar.
Quote ID: 5628
Time Periods: 4
Councils: First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787): Their History and Theology, The
Leo Donald Davis
Book ID: 224 Page: 30
Section: 2B2,2E4,3A1
By law, the clergy were exempted from onerous public functions; wills in favor of the Church were permitted, and slaves could be freed in the Christian churches. Still these privileges were already those of pagan priests and institutions. Even the declaration of the first day of the week as a day of rest was ambiguous, since it was both the day of Christ’s resurrection and the day sacred to the sun.
Quote ID: 5632
Time Periods: 4
Cults of the Roman Empire, The
Robert Turcan
Book ID: 209 Page: 340
Section: 3A1
Even when they were hand in glove with the imperial cult, never had any of the religions of ancient Africa or Asia benefited from a theology that was so effectively coherent and appropriate to the antinomic demands of mankind as the Christian Empire, . . .
Quote ID: 5184
Time Periods: 45
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Vol. 2, The
Edward Gibbon
Book ID: 210 Page: 79
Section: 3A1,3C
The church of Rome defended by violence the empire which she had acquired by fraud; a system of peace and benevolence was soon disgraced by the proscriptions, wars, massacres, and the institution of the holy office.
Quote ID: 5201
Time Periods: 4
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Vol. 3, The
Edward Gibbon
Book ID: 319 Page: 143/144
Section: 3A1,3A1B,3D
…the gods of antiquity were dragged in triumph at the chariot-wheels of Theodosius{2} In a full meeting of the senate the emperor proposed, according to the forms of the republic, the important question, whether the worship of Jupiter or that of Christ should be the religion of the Romans? The liberty of suffrages, which he affected to allow, was destroyed by the hopes and fears that his presence inspired; and the arbitrary exile of Symmachus was a recent admonition that it might be dangerous to oppose the wishes of the monarch.….
The hasty conversion of the senate must be attributed either to supernatural or to sordid motives; and many of these reluctant proselytes betrayed, on every favourable occasion, their secret disposition to throw aside the mask of odious dissimulation. But they were gradually fixed in the new religion, as the cause of the ancient became more hopeless; they yielded to the authority of the emperor, to the fashion of the times, and to the entreaties of their wives and children,{2} who were instigated and governed by the clergy of Rome and the monks of the East.
Quote ID: 7706
Time Periods: 4
Documents of the Christian Church
Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder
Book ID: 74 Page: 214
Section: 3A1
The Romanist have, with great adroitness, drawn three walls around themselves, with which they have hitherto protected themselves, so that no one could reform them, whereby all Christendom has suffered terribly.First, if pressed by the temporal power, they have affirmed and maintained that the temporal power has no jurisdiction over them, but, on the contrary, that the spiritual power is above the temporal.
Secondly, if it were proposed to admonish them with the Scriptures, they objected that no one may interpret the Scriptures but the Pope.
Thirdly, if they are threatened with a council, they invented the notion that no one may call a council but the Pope.
Pastor John’s note: See previous page for source.
Quote ID: 2071
Time Periods: 7
Documents of the Christian Church
Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder
Book ID: 74 Page: 267/268
Section: 3A1
d. The Papal Bull against Elizabeth, 1570 Bull of Pius V, Regnans in excelsis: B.R. vii. 810 ff. Extracts in Mirbt, 491. . . .
He that reigns in the highest, to whom has been given all power in heaven and earth, entrusted the government of the one Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church (outside which there is no salvation) to one man alone on the earth, namely to Peter, the chief of the Apostles, and to Peter’s successor, the Roman pontiff, in fullness of power [potestatis plenitude]. This one man he set up as chief over all nations and all kingdoms, to pluck up, destroy, scatter, dispose, plant and build. . . .
. . . .
5. we deprive the said Elizabeth of her pretended right to the realm and all other things aforesaid: and we enjoin and forbid all and several the nobles, etc. ... that they presume not to obey her and her admonitions, commands, and laws. All who disobey our command we involve in the same sentence of anathema.
Quote ID: 2072
Time Periods: 7
Documents of the Christian Church
Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder
Book ID: 74 Page: 319
Section: 3A1
IV. PRESBYTERIANISMThe Westminster Confession of Faith, 1643 Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, III, etc.
Pastor John’s note: page 322
Quote ID: 2074
Time Periods: 7
Documents of the Christian Church
Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder
Book ID: 74 Page: 322
Section: 3A1
IV. PRESBYTERIANISMThe Westminster Confession of Faith, 1643 Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, III, etc.
Pastor John’s note: page 322
Quote ID: 2075
Time Periods: 7
Documents of the Christian Church
Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder
Book ID: 74 Page: 341
Section: 3A1
XIV. Concerning the Power of the Civil Magistrate in Matters purely Religious and pertaining to the ConscienceSince God hath assumed to himself the power and dominion of the conscience, who alone can rightly instruct and govern it, therefore it is not lawful for any whatsoever, by virtue of any authority or principality they bear in the government of this world, to force the consciences of others;
Pastor John’s note: see page 337 for source
Above Source: XII. The Quakers
The Chief Principles of the Christian religion, as professed by the people called the Quakers
[These fifteen propositions were drawn up in 1678 by Robert Barclay, an educated disciple of George Fox. They form the headings of the fifteen chapters of his Apology for the Quakers.]
Quote ID: 2079
Time Periods: 7
Early Christian Church, The
J.G. Davies
Book ID: 214 Page: 220
Section: 3A1,3D
....the relations of Church and State in the East, where the former came to be dominated by the latter, and the contrast with the situation in the West, as evidenced by the exchanges between Ambrose and Theodosius, where the Church came to dominate the State.
Quote ID: 5345
Time Periods: 4
Early Christian Church, The
J.G. Davies
Book ID: 214 Page: 248
Section: 2D1,3A1
The Roman primacyThe disruption of the western empire which so affected the role of the diocesan bishop also influenced that of the bishop of Rome, for as organized government broke down the pope emerged as the one stable and dominant figure acknowledged by all. The eighty years from the Council of Constantinople to the death of Leo the Great witnessed the final stages of the growth of the Roman primacy.
Quote ID: 5355
Time Periods: 345
Early Church on Killing: A Comprehensive Sourcebook on War, Abortion, and Capital Punishment, The
Ronald J. Sider
Book ID: 347 Page: 49
Section: 3A1
Tertullian, On IdolatryIn earlier chapters, Tertullian discussed a wide variety of contexts that a Christian must avoid to escape idolatry. In chapter 17, he asks whether a Christian could exercise the “dignity and power” of a government official. After all, Old Testament figures served idolatrous kings without falling into idolatry. Tertullian answers by enumerating a long list of things (including imprisoning, torturing, or sitting in judgment on someone’s life—and thus by implication participating in capital punishment) that such a person must avoid. The last sentence of the chapter shows that Tertullian doubts it is possible to be a magistrate and avoid these things.
Quote ID: 8005
Time Periods: 2
Early Church on Killing: A Comprehensive Sourcebook on War, Abortion, and Capital Punishment, The
Ronald J. Sider
Book ID: 347 Page: 131
Section: 3A1
Paul of Samosata was bishop of Antioch from about AD 261 to 268. Our primary source is Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 7.29-30), who says that Paul had a bodyguard, preferred to be called a ducenarius, and was deposed as a heretic. A ducenarius was a highly paid official in a Roman province who would likely have had a bodyguard. Paul may have held this government position, but since Eusebius is the primary source for this information, we cannot know.
Quote ID: 8024
Time Periods: 3
Ecclesiastical Authority And Spiritual Power
Hans von Campenhausen
Book ID: 79 Page: 47
Section: 3A1
However imperiously Paul the apostle may demand a hearing for Christ, however ingenuously he may put himself forward as a pattern for imitation, yet he cannot simply give orders. He does not himself create the norm, which is then to be obeyed without further ado, but instead the congregation of those who possess the Spirit must follow him in freedom; and it is this freedom which he has in mind when he addresses them. They must themselves recognize in his instructions the ‘standard of teaching’ to which they are committed, {141} and to which Paul in a sense merely ‘recalls’ them, {142} in order that they may affirm it for themselves, and freely and joyfully make it their own once more. {143}
Quote ID: 2148
Time Periods: 1
Ecclesiastical Authority And Spiritual Power
Hans von Campenhausen
Book ID: 79 Page: 58
Section: 3A1
On this basis Paul develops the idea of the Spirit as the organising principle of the Christian congregation. There is no need for any fixed system with its rules and regulations and prohibitions......
It is love which is the true organising and unifying force within the Church, and which creates in her a paradoxical form of order diametrically opposed to all natural systems of organisation.
.....
Christians have in very fact died to the old ‘human’ nature, and thus also to the old ideas of status and social order. Among them there can be neither respect nor distinction of ‘person’ {24} since there was none in Christ’s acceptance of them.{25}
Quote ID: 2150
Time Periods: 1
Ecclesiastical Authority And Spiritual Power
Hans von Campenhausen
Book ID: 79 Page: 63/64
Section: 3A1
In Paul’s thought, therefore, the congregation is not just another constitutional organisation with grades and classes, but a unitary, living cosmos of free, spiritual gifts, which serve and complement one another. Those who mediate these gifts may never lord it over one another......
Christians have the Spirit of Christ. Because of this, spontaneity, obedience and love are in fact presupposed and required of the Church as, so to speak, the ‘normal’ thing. When the Church ceases to be spiritual, that is to say, when within her that which is normal for the world is exalted into a law, then in Paul’s eyes she is dead.
.....
On the other hand, however, Paul mentions helpers, controllers and administrators, whose activity he includes among the ‘spiritual gifts’; and he is plainly concerned that these people should not be despised, and that nothing should be done to make their work more difficult.
Quote ID: 2151
Time Periods: 1
Enactments of Justinian, The: The Novels
S. P. Scott
Book ID: 539 Page: ?
Section: 3A1
Novel VI.“The priesthood and the Empire are the two greatest gifts which God, in His infinite clemency, has bestowed upon mortals; the former has reference to Divine matters, the latter presides over and directs human affairs, and both, proceeding from the same principle, adorn the life of mankind; hence nothing should be such a source of care to the emperors as the honor of the priests who constantly pray to God for their salvation. For if the priesthood is, everywhere free from blame, and the Empire full of confidence in God is administered equitably and judiciously, general good will result, and whatever is beneficial will be bestowed upon the human race. Therefore We have the greatest solicitude for the observance of the divine rules and the preservation of the honor of the priesthood, which, if they are maintained, will result in the greatest advantages that can be conferred upon us by God, as well as in the confirmation of those which We already enjoy, and whatever We have not yet obtained We shall hereafter acquire.”
Quote ID: 9183
Time Periods: 67
Enactments of Justinian, The: The Novels
S. P. Scott
Book ID: 539 Page: ?
Section: 3A1
Novel IX.“No one is ignorant of the fact that, in ancient Rome, legislation originally emanated from the head of the Pontificate [Pontifex Maximus]. Hence We now deem it necessary to impose upon Ourselves the duty of showing that We are the source of both secular and ecclesiastical jurisprudence by promulgating a law consecrated to the honor of God, which shall be applicable not only to this city but to all Catholic Churches everywhere….”
Quote ID: 9184
Time Periods: 147
End of Ancient Christianity, The
Robert Markus
Book ID: 219 Page: 125
Section: 3A1
In the end, however, this diversity was smoothed out into a uniformity spreading over Christian Western Europe. What we have seen happening in some of the smaller towns of North Africa with a fairly homogeneous Christian population was to set the pattern for the future. In such places the clergy could impose their norms without much difficulty. Religion swallowed up the secular civic consensus, citizenship merged with membership of the community of the faithful, and municipal affairs came to be dominated by the Church.
Quote ID: 5430
Time Periods: 456
End of Ancient Christianity, The
Robert Markus
Book ID: 219 Page: 126/127
Section: 3A1
The physical transformation of its townscape and the emergence of its bishop at the head of the local aristocracy as the City’s supreme representative and authority, combined to create the conditions for pope Leo to give moral and religious content to the ideology of Rome’s Christian renewal. Leo liked to dwell on this theme in his sermons preached annually on the occasion of the feast of Rome’s twin Apostles.One year he apostrophised {4} the City as a holy people, an elect nation, a priestly and royal city, become, through the see of St. Peter established here, the head of the world; ruling more widely now through divine religion than it ever did by worldly dominion. Though enlarged by many victories, you have spread the authority of your rule over land and sea. What your warlike labours have obtained for you is less than what the Christian peace has brought you.
*PJ Note: Used 2nd half of para first. I split it.
Quote ID: 5431
Time Periods: 457
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 30
Section: 3A1
An idiom of power, clearly indebted to Roman precedent, helped bring new kingdoms into being, and clergy played the role of midwife.
Quote ID: 2169
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 37
Section: 3A1
It had been self-evident that fifth-, sixth-, and seventh-century kings of the Goths, Burgundians, Franks, and Lombards should legislate and govern in Latin, not only because they often relied on the assistance of late Roman legal experts but also because they were deliberately insisting upon their role as successors of the Roman emperors.
Quote ID: 2175
Time Periods: 567
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 217/218
Section: 3A1,3D2
By the early eleventh century, Europe had evolved a culture distinctive for its integration of sacred and profane power, characterized by kings who ruled in close association with the personnel and institutions of the Christian religion, identified themselves as ‘Christ’s own deputy’,{3} and presided over efforts to promote their own particular vision of a Christian society.
Quote ID: 2180
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 222
Section: 3A1,3A2A
In the course of the early Middle Ages, Christianity ‘had gained many kingdoms and had triumphed over the mightiest kings and had crushed through its own power the necks of the proud and the sublime’. When Radbod, bishop of Utrecht (899-917), wrote those words in the early tenth century he cannot have known that they were as much prophetic as retrospective.{5}
Quote ID: 2181
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 227
Section: 3A1,3G
In these circumstances, acceptance of Christianity bore all the marks of political spectacle, carefully staged.
Quote ID: 2186
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 228
Section: 2A1,3A1
Royal baptism might also aim to tie future rulers into an alliance; during Otto III’s visit to Gniezno in 1000, he became godfather to a newborn son of the Christian Polish prince, Boleslaw Chobry (992-1025), in a ceremony rich in symbolic importance. He also strengthened the bond by giving Boleslaw both a royal crown and another replica of the Holy Lance (still to be seen in Cracow).To ask whether religious or political motivations underlay such baptisms is misplaced, for the distinction was meaningless in an age in which identities were as much social as personal and in which religious expression was more usually communal than individual.
Pastor John’s note: p. 218
Quote ID: 2187
Time Periods: ?
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 231
Section: 3A1
Indeed, it succeeded so well in offering an overarching, umbrella identity that, by the early eleventh century, ‘Christendom’ and ‘Europe’ had become virtually synonymous.
Quote ID: 2189
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 235
Section: 3A1,3A2,4B
When it came to the mutual reinforcement of political and sacral power, there was no better model than Christianity.
Quote ID: 2190
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 239
Section: 3A1,3A4C
In 1155, in the changed climate of the twelfth century—changed by the emergence of claims to universal papal monarchy and fusion of the many local Christian communities of earlier centuries into a single, much more homogeneous Christendom—Pope Adrian IV authorized the invasion of Ireland by the English king Henry II (1154-89) on the grounds that it would be to Henry’s eternal credit ‘to enlarge the boundaries of the church, to reveal the truth of the Christian faith to peoples still untaught and barbarous, and to root out the weeds of vice from the Lord’s field’.{25} The Irish, then, were all but outright pagans, outside the church: their lack of correct Christianity justified invasion and conquest.
Quote ID: 2193
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 243
Section: 3A1
Furthermore, churches put their considerable legal and administrative expertise at royal disposal, thereby transmitting at least some late Roman bureaucratic skills and judicial principles to early medieval rulers. The intense symbiosis of royal and ecclesiastical affairs was the practical expression of the early medieval ideologies of Christian rulership.One corollary was the readiness of churchmen to lecture kings about their responsibilities. Whether by royal request or on their own initiative, clergy wrote letters, treatises, and admonitions to kings, encouraging, exhorting, or chastising.
Quote ID: 2194
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 251
Section: 3A1,4B
During Antiquity, ‘Europe’ signaled one of the three continents of the known world. But in the centuries from c.500 to c.1000, much of the continent came to adopt a new identity, as Christendom, the community of all baptized believers in Christ and the Christian God. Men and women from the Mediterranean to the Arctic Circle now had something in common.
Quote ID: 2195
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 252
Section: 3A1
Differently put, Christianity brought with it the late Roman legacy of institutionalized power, well resourced, ideologically justified, and of cosmological significance.. . . .
But, even here, Christianity brought kings new justifications for ruling, new tasks and obligations, new powers to exercise. And, when effective royal government broke down in southern France and Italy in the later tenth and early eleventh centuries, the ideals and obligations of ethical power were maintained and asserted by churches.
Quote ID: 2196
Time Periods: 7
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 276/277
Section: 3A1,4B
Having revived Charlemagne’s slogan, in the slightly but significantly altered form of ‘the renewal of the empire of the Romans’, Otto attempted to take it literally rather than metaphorically. In 998, he rebuilt the old imperial palace in Rome and set about governing form there, the first emperor to do so since the early fourth century.. . . .
Otto died before he could learn the lesson that, for a transalpine emperor, Rome was more useful as an idea than as a centre of government. As an idea, it drew on the antique past to confer a potent form of legitimacy; as a place of power, it was best left well alone, distant but powerfully evocative.
Quote ID: 2205
Time Periods: 47
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 293
Section: 3A1,4B
In 1049, another pope named Leo crossed the Alps. With Leo IX’s journey to Reims, a different story begins. It tells of the formation of a papal monarchy, exercising authority throughout Latin Christendom by means of a centralized judicial and administrative machinery of government. This story reaches its apogee in the thirteenth century, when the city of Rome functioned as the jurisdictional headquarters of an international ecclesiastical institution, regulating theological doctrines, social norms, political procedures, and rituals of worship throughout the Latin west.
Quote ID: 2215
Time Periods: 6
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 295
Section: 3A1,4B
In short, from a world of Roman culture within which Christianity was one element in 500, by 1000 Europe had become a Christian world of which Roman cultural attributes formed one aspect.
Quote ID: 2217
Time Periods: 67
Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History 500-1000
Julia M. H. Smith
Book ID: 83 Page: 296/297
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
….the role of Christianity as a transmitter of many other aspects of Roman culture besides its normative creed. All of these are subsidiary, however, to its critical diagnostic: a cluster of dominant ideologies in which Rome held a central, inspirational place but no ascendant political role as it once had in Antiquity and would again, differently conceived, under papal guidance. To that extent, Europe after Rome is also Europe before Rome—after the crumbling of the political hegemony of the western Roman Empire but before the ecclesiastical hegemony of the international Roman Church.
Quote ID: 2218
Time Periods: 67
Europe and the Faith
Hilaire Belloc
Book ID: 84 Page: 2
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
I say again, renewing the terms, The Church is Europe: and Europe is The Church.{*}”[Footnote *] Far from denying the universality of the Roman Catholic Church, the author is rather showing that the Church was, by God’s will and Providence, “incarnated” in and shaped by European civilization, centered in Rome (see page 19), and that on its human side the Catholic Church is Roman and European.
Quote ID: 2220
Time Periods: 7
Europe and the Faith
Hilaire Belloc
Book ID: 84 Page: 136/137
Section: 3A1
The second note, then, of the Dark Ages is the gradual transition of Christian society from a number of slave-owning, rich, landed proprietors, taxed and administered by a regular government, to a society of fighting nobles and their descendants, organized upon a basis of independence and in a hierarchy of lord and overlord, and supported no longer by slaves in the villages, but by half-free serfs, or “villeins.”
Quote ID: 2271
Time Periods: 67
Europe and the Faith
Hilaire Belloc
Book ID: 84 Page: 141
Section: 3A1,3A4,4B
The last characteristic of the Dark Ages is that which has most engrossed, puzzled, and warped the judgment of non-Catholic historians when they have attempted a conspectus of European development; it was the segregation, the homogeneity of and the dominance of clerical organization.The hierarchy of the Church, its unity and its sense of discipline was the chief civil institution and the chief binding social force of the times.
Quote ID: 2275
Time Periods: 7
Europe and the Faith
Hilaire Belloc
Book ID: 84 Page: 141
Section: 3A1,3A3,4B
Meanwhile the Catholic hierarchy as an institution—I have already called it by a violent metaphor, a civil institution—at any rate as a political institution—remained absolute above the social disintegration of the time.167/168 -1A- To summarize what has gone before: the Catholic Church becomes by the fifth century the soul, the vital principle, the continuity of Europe. It next suffers grievously from the accident, largely geographical, of the Eastern schism. It is of its nature perpetually subject to assault; from within, because it deals with matters not open to positive proof; from without, because all those, whether aliens or guests or parasites, who are not of our civilization, are naturally its enemies.
Quote ID: 2277
Time Periods: 57
Europe and the Faith
Hilaire Belloc
Book ID: 84 Page: 191
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
In such a crux, there remains the historical truth: that this our European structure, built upon the noble foundations of classical antiquity, was formed through, exists by, is consonant to, and will stand only in the mold of, the Catholic Church.Europe will return to the Faith, or she will perish.
The Faith is Europe. And Europe is the Faith.
Quote ID: 2279
Time Periods: 47
Eusebius, NPNF2 Vol. 1, Eusebius Pamphilius: Church History, Life of Constantine, Oration in Praise of Constantine
Edited by Philip Schaff
Book ID: 668 Page: 511
Section: 3C,3A1
That he promoted Christians to Offices of Government, and forbade Gentiles in Such Stations to offer Sacrifice.
After this the emperor continued to address himself to matters of high importance, and first he sent governors to the several provinces, mostly such as were devoted to the saving faith; and if any appeared inclined to adhere to Gentile worship, he forbade them to offer sacrifice. This law applied also to those who surpassed the provincial governors in rank and highest station, and held the authority of the Praetorian Praefecture. If they were Christians, they were free to act consistently with their profession; if otherwise, the law required them to abstain from idolatrous sacrifices.
Pastor John’s footnote reference: Eusebius, The Life of Constantine, II.xliv.
Quote ID: 9569
Time Periods: 4
Fall of Rome: And The End of Civilization, The
Bryan Ward-Perkins
Book ID: 222 Page: 29
Section: 1B,3A1
The most sophisticated, radical, and influential answer to this problem was that offered by Augustine, who in 413 (initially in direct response to the sack of Rome) began his monumental City of God. {33} Here he successfully sidestepped the entire problem of the failure of the Christian empire by arguing that all human affairs are flawed, and that a true Christian is really a citizen of Heaven. Abandoning centuries of Roman pride in their divinely ordained state (including Christian pride during the fourth century), Augustine argued that, in the grand perspective of Eternity, a minor event like the sack of Rome paled into insignificance.
Quote ID: 5480
Time Periods: 5
Fall of Rome: And The End of Civilization, The
Bryan Ward-Perkins
Book ID: 222 Page: 76
Section: 3A1,3D2
However, in the very early sixth century, probably in the face of an ever-increasing threat from the Franks, the Visigothic king did two interesting things. First, he issued a solemn compendium of Roman law (known as the Breviarium of Alaric), to be used in the judging of Romans living under Visigothic rule. This, we are told in its preamble, was produced after extensive consultation, with all departures in wording from original imperial texts being approved by a group of bishops and ‘selected men amongst our provincials’.
Quote ID: 5493
Time Periods: 6
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 125
Section: 3A1,3D
Even more impressively, emperors helped set the agendas to be discussed, their officials orchestrated the proceedings, and state machinery was used to enforce the decisions reached. More generally, they made religious law for the Church – Book 16 of the Theodosian Code is entirely concerned with such matters – and influenced appointments to top ecclesiastical positions.
Quote ID: 5573
Time Periods: 4
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 126
Section: 1A,3A1
With the Church now so much a part of the state - bishops had even been given administrative roles within it, such as running small-claims courts – to become a Christian bishop was not to drop out of public life but to find a new avenue into it.
Quote ID: 5575
Time Periods: 456
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 126
Section: 1A,3A1
But rejection of the Empire was little more than undertone among fourth-century Christian thinkers.
Quote ID: 8469
Time Periods: 14
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 127
Section: 3A1,3C
Until the end of the fourth century, seventy years after Constantine first declared his new religious allegiance, the perception that emperors might show more favour to Christians in promotions to office was what spread the new religion among the Roman upper classes. All Christian emperors faced intense lobbying from the bishops, and all made highly Christian noises from time to time.
Quote ID: 5576
Time Periods: 4
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 127/128
Section: 3A1,3C
To my mind, a similar dynamic was at work here as in the earlier process of Romanization. The state was unable simply to force its ideology on local elites, but if it was consistent in making conformity a condition for advancement, then landowners would respond. As the fourth century progressed, ‘Christian and Roman’ – rather than ‘villa and town dwelling’ – were increasingly the prerequisites of success, and the movers and shakers of Roman society, both local and central, gradually adapted themselves to the new reality. As with the expansion of the bureaucracy, the imperial centre had successfully deployed new mechanisms for keeping the energies and attention of the landowning classes focused upon itself.Taxes were paid, elites participated in public life, and the new religion was effectively enough subsumed into the structures of the late Empire. Far from being the harbingers of disaster, both Christianization and bureaucratic expansion show the imperial centre still able to exert a powerful pull on the allegiances and habits of the provinces. That pull had to be persuasive rather than coercive, but so it had always been. Renegotiated, the same kinds of bonds continued to hold centre and locality together.
Quote ID: 8470
Time Periods: 4
Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, The
Peter Heather
Book ID: 223 Page: 438/439
Section: 3A1,4B
In many places, then, local Romanness survived pretty well. Catholic Christianity, a Latin-literate laity, villas, towns and more complex forms of economic production and exchange all endured to some extent - except in Britain - on the back of the landowning class. Consequently, across most of the old Roman west, the destruction of the forms and structures of the state coexisted with a survival of Roman provincial life. {9}------------------
Was the end of the Roman state a major event in the history of western Eurasia, or merely a surface disturbance, much less important than deeper phenomena such as the rise of Christianity, which worked themselves out essentially unaffected by the processes of imperial collapse?
----------------
As we have seen, there was no sudden, total change, and this fact has laid a new emphasis on the notion of continuity, on the idea that the best way of understanding historical development in the late and post-Roman periods is to consider it in terms of organic evolution rather than cataclysm. {10}
Quote ID: 5611
Time Periods: 147
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 149/150
Section: 3A1,4B
The final pagan generation brought up their children expecting that they would similarly embrace and thrive in this system. Many of their children did, but, by the 360s, it was becoming clear that some children of the post-Constantinian empire did not react to these opportunities in the way that their parents hoped. Unlike their parents, some elite youth of the 350s, 360s, and 370s came to suspect the rewards secular careers promised, and sought opportunities outside of them. In increasing numbers, they turned their backs on the lucrative jobs for which they were training, and embraced either service in the Christian church or, more controversially, a type of Christian ascetic life.
Quote ID: 8315
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 151
Section: 3A1,4B
Beginning in the 370s, however, men who had once served as teachers, advocates, and even imperial governors entered into bishoprics, a trend that accelerated as the fifth century approached.{4}Ambrose offers perhaps the most familiar example of this new breed of bishop.{5} Ambrose came from a wealthy, senatorial, Christian family that owned extensive property and had built its fortune through service within the Constantinian imperial administration.{6}
Quote ID: 8316
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 152
Section: 3A1,3A3B,4B
Ambrose himself notes that this was not the career that many would have envisioned for a former governor and the son of a prefect,{16} but the resources and social obligations of a late fourth-century bishop would have resembled those available to a member of the imperial elite.….
The Christian tradition of charitable contributions further augmented the material resources a bishop controlled.{21}
Quote ID: 8317
Time Periods: 34
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 153
Section: 3A1,4B
Many of the middle-class bishops of the early fourth century managed to do this, but as Ambrose’s later career shows, the elite bishops of the late fourth century could do far more than their predecessors.….
These elite church officers sought a type of success that depended only somewhat on the imperial system. This and their higher social status meant that they were less easily cowed by emperors than some of their socially middling predecessors had been.
….
If they proved too problematic, emperors could marginalize bishops by separating them from all of these resources and supporters.{29} Emperors still possessed some tools to control the conduct of these men.
Quote ID: 8318
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 161
Section: 2E2,3A1,4A
Parents sometimes charged sons who entered the episcopacy with a betrayal of their obligations to their families.Pg.163 4A, 2E2- …from 358 until 362 and had built up a substantial family fortune.{107} While Urbanus lived, his son “bid complete farewell to his studies in the schools” and retreated to the mountains to pursue “Christian philosophy.”
Quote ID: 8322
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 181
Section: 3A1,4B
Gregory was replaced as bishop of Constantinople by Nectarius, a Constantinopolitan senator and former government official who, like Gregory, traded his career within the imperial system for a position of honor in the church.{86}
Quote ID: 8325
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 181
Section: 3A1
Both Gregory and Themistius presented, defended, and implemented imperial policies, but each worked on a different part of Theodosius’s agenda and defined a different part of his public persona.
Quote ID: 8326
Time Periods: 4
Final Pagan Generation, The
Edward J. Watts
Book ID: 384 Page: 189
Section: 3A1
The fall of Gratian in 383 saw the wall between the Christian dropouts and elite establishment figures collapse. The frenzied attempted to quickly assemble an effective governing structure around Valentinian II indebted the new regime to a range of Italian and Illyrian military, senatorial, and ecclesiastical figures. When the immediate threat posed by Maximus had subsided, these men scrambled to seize as much power and influence as they could without regard for the lines that once separated ecclesiastical, military, and administrative rewards. Ambrose’s assertion of an ecclesiastical veto over imperial policy represented only the most brazen attempt to redefine these boundaries in the leadership vacuum that surrounded the child emperor.
Quote ID: 8327
Time Periods: 4
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 21
Section: 3A1,3C
[After it] was brought to power by the imperial structures themselves, the Christian faith was both non-Roman and Roman. It’s precise role in perpetuating the life of the empire is much debated.”
Quote ID: 5633
Time Periods: 456
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 64
Section: 3A1
Ambrose: a truly Roman leader. Milan, 374. By acclamation made bishop, and he was not even a baptized Christian! The decision of the populace of Milan “reflects the fusion of imperial and Christian concerns that was taking place within society.
Quote ID: 5649
Time Periods: 4
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 64
Section: 3A1,3D
Ambrose won a showdown with Theodosius. Forced him to do public penance for a massacre of 7,000 in reprisal for an insurrection.
Quote ID: 5650
Time Periods: 4
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 72
Section: 3A1
“The fate of urban Xty was intimately connected with the fate of Roman rule.” “Ecclesiastical leaders played an important role in the survival of this traditional form of government, for it was in their interest also to protect the major urban centers from attack, in order to preserve their economic role and ruling character.”
Quote ID: 5654
Time Periods: 4
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 73
Section: 3A1,3A3
The capacity of Church leaders to stand in for their civilian counterparts “constituted a vital link between the ancient and medieval worlds . . .”
Quote ID: 5657
Time Periods: 47
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 145
Section: 3A1,3A4C
footnote 25 In replacing paganism, Xty provided a career choice: imperial consulship or Christian bishopric.Pastor John’s Note: Xty provided more power at a much lower cost. It was an easy choice. And it was the choices people made, preferring spiritual dominance over men, backed with military might, to physical dominance endorsed by religious dogma, that altered the empire.
Pastor John’s Note: earlier, (in Cults of the Roman Empire book) a comparison of pagan ways (political policy supported by religion) to Christian ways (religious policy supported by political policy).
Quote ID: 5686
Time Periods: 45
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 150
Section: 3A1,3A3,3A4C
In the vacuum left by senatorial flight to the East for jobs - p. 148, the church became a directing force in and around Rome.” As bishops had been involved in civic administration to some extent “since the fifth century at least, . . . it was expected by the local population. But the failure of other authorities to assist was more marked. During this time, “It was to their bishop that Romans looked for the city’s protection and their own well-being. When other, older traditions failed, the city turned to its Christian past and apostolic foundation.”
Quote ID: 5691
Time Periods: 35
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 152
Section: 3A1,3A3,3A4C
absence of political power, the bishop is expected to move in and take charge.
Quote ID: 5693
Time Periods: 35
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 449
Section: 3A1,3A3
The territory around Rome in Italy was called “the holy Roman republic”. Farms established by the Popes were called “apostolic farmland”. These estates were decreed by their charters to be “forever and absolutely inalienable”.
Quote ID: 5701
Time Periods: 7
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 476
Section: 3A1,3A4C
The pontiffs of Rome “made their sacral authority an essential element in the assumption of imperial power.”Pastor John’s Note: Satan’s wisdom: It is safer to anoint another as secular ruler than to assume the title. Better to have an expendable servant than to have the disgrace of being conquered in a contest of military power.
Quote ID: 5702
Time Periods: 567
Formation of Christendom, The
Judith Herrin
Book ID: 225 Page: 476
Section: 3A1,3G
Charlemagne’s and Pope Leo III’s vision of a “Holy Roman Empire”, formalized in the king’s coronation in Rome on Christmas day, AD 800, endured through the centuries, indeed for a millennium, for it was only in 1806 that the title was last abandoned (by Francis II of Austria) in the face of the reality of national sovereignties that could not be denied or undone with military might. Even Napoleon assumed the simpler title “Emperor of France”, and Francis II chose as more fitting to his real stature among nations the title, “Emperor of Austria”. Until this day in Europe, ethnic identifications and national military strengths have prevented any ruler from developing the power or prestige to bear the most prized title in Christendom, the august title of Holy Roman Emperor.Pastor John’s Note: The dream is still being dreamed, and Christendom sleeps a fitful sleep. Fleeting bits of the Great Whore’s dreams have been glimpsed as they came and went across her mind: the Tzar of Russia, as well as Germany’s Kaiser, owed their exalted titles to her dreams of Roman glory, for “caesar” is the root of them both.
But the man of her dreams is coming, the man for whom she long ago forsook her Lord, but he will be, for both her and the world, the greatest nightmare ever experienced.
Meanwhile, the words of Isaiah call out to the children of God who lounge in the warm shadows of the Whore’s scarlet colored skirts: “Awake thou that sleepest, and Christ shall give thee light!” Translated into New Testament wisdom, this plaintive cry is, and has been for almost 1700 years, “Come out of her, My people!”*
Quote ID: 5703
Time Periods: 7
From Roman To Merovingian Gaul
Alexander Callander Murray
Book ID: 93 Page: 154
Section: 3A1
After his unsuccessful invasion of Gaul in 451, Attila invaded Italy in 452, where he was met by embassy sent from Rome. The pope’s participation in the embassy was soon the subject of legendary embellishment. Modern historians have often seen it as a sign of rising temporal powers on the part of the papacy, though in similar situations bishops had long undertaken embassies on behalf of their cities.
Quote ID: 2395
Time Periods: 35
God’s Bestseller
Brian Moynahan
Book ID: 98 Page: xiii
Section: 3A1
Wycliffe noted that the Bible did not mention the pope. ‘What good doeth hys gabblyng that ye pope wolde be caled moost holy father?’ he demanded. The dignities and privileges that Rome bestowed were ‘not worthe a fly’s foote’, and men should ‘shake awey al ye lawe that ye pope hath maad’, and return to the laws of God.
Quote ID: 2506
Time Periods: 7
God’s Secretaries: - The Making of the King James Bible
Adam Nicolson
Book ID: 99 Page: 72
Section: 3A1
A copy of the instructions, now in the University Library in Cambridge, is entitled simply ‘The rules to be observed in translation’. The sixteen separate instructions on two sheets are the record of an extremely efficient administrator at work. They are the scaffolding within which the King James translation was erected.[Used in Chapter 1, “The Beginning of the End”]
Quote ID: 2524
Time Periods: 7
God’s Secretaries: - The Making of the King James Bible
Adam Nicolson
Book ID: 99 Page: 89
Section: 3A1
Andrewes thought he spotted error. ‘The savoreth of a pryvat spyrit,’ he said. Nothing was more damning in his lexicon than that phrase. The privateness of the Puritan spirit was its defining sin.PJ Note: See Quote ID #986.
Quote ID: 2527
Time Periods: 7
God’s Secretaries: - The Making of the King James Bible
Adam Nicolson
Book ID: 99 Page: 96/97
Section: 3A1,3A1B
Every minister had to appear before the diocesan registrar (or ‘Register’) to show him the licence by which he was allowed to preach. (The licence was a tool of conformity: it would be granted only if the minister had explicitly signed up to the canons which Richard Bancroft had drawn up for the English Church.) This was the moment at which the bishop’s secretary could make his killing.. . . .
To my verie loving friend, Mr. Baddeley, secretary to ye Rt. Reverend Father in God ye Ld. Bp. Of Coven. & Lichfield, These in London.
. . . .
One secret I will tell you, which I must entreat you to make a secret stil: vjd. A piece you may demaunde of every one of them, either licensed or not, for the exhibition of their license, and keep the profit to your self, however the Register may perhaps challenge it.
. . . .
This is a rare sight of one of the sinews of the Jacobean church in action: private extortion by a high-level and ambitious church official of a little bribe or pourboire from the impoverished, simple rural clergy; a man looking out for his own, passing on a little tip by which advantage can be gained and the beginnings of a fortune made; and an awareness, in the insistence on the tip being kept secret, that it was wrong.
Quote ID: 2529
Time Periods: 7
God’s Secretaries: - The Making of the King James Bible
Adam Nicolson
Book ID: 99 Page: 229/230
Section: 3A1,2E1
The relationship of Puritan church and Puritan state in early America soon became, strangely enough, as close as any relationship between the Jacobean Crown and the Church of England. In early Massachusetts, heresy, witchcraft, profanity, blasphemy, idolatry and breaking the Sabbath were all civil offences, to be dealt with by civil courts. The new Americans may have dispensed with bishops, surplices and the Book of Common Prayer, but they had not replaced them with a Utopia of religious freedom. Seventeenth-century America was a country of strictly enforced state religion and as such needed a Bible much more attuned to the necessities of nation-building than anything the Separatists’ Geneva Bible could offer. It is one of the strangest of historical paradoxes that the King James Bible, whose whole purpose had been nation-building in the service of a ceremonial and episcopal state church, should become the guiding text of Puritan America.
Quote ID: 2536
Time Periods: 7
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 10
Section: 3A1,3A4,3D2
Here and there, on the large estates of Roman owners, there was a chapel for Christian service; but the mass of the Celtic peasantry was unconverted. The familiar word “pagan” or “villager” comes to us from this time, and indicates this feature of it. Christianity was the religion of the governing classes and their immediate dependants; it belonged to the cities and not to the country; it was almost a part of the imperial regime.Upon this state of things came the slowly rolling waves of Teutonic conquest.
Quote ID: 5769
Time Periods: 456
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 11/12
Section: 3A1,3A3,3A4,3D2,4B
The Celts and Romans still formed the mass of the population. They retained their customs and their laws. The framework of the imperial organization remained without material change. And within that framework two features, the one of German character and the other of German usage, preserved much that was old, and laid the foundation of much that was to come. The one feature was that the Germans loved the country rather than the town, and that consequently, though great estates changed hands, the cities were left for the most part to their former inhabitants. The other feature was that, following their traditional usage, they did not impose their own laws upon the inhabitants of the territories which they conquered, but allowed each race to retain, and to be judged by, its own legal code. The general result was that in the cities was gathered together almost all that survived of Rome; the schools preserved the Roman tongue, the courts preserved Roman law, the Church preserved Roman Christianity. Of all this survival of Roman life, the bishop of the civitas was the centre. Round him the aristocracy of the old Roman families naturally gathered. He symbolised to them their past glories and their ancient liberties. He was their refuge in trouble, and their chief shield against oppression. His house was not infrequently the old praetorium, the residence of the Roman governor. Even his dress was that of a Roman official. In him the empire still lived.3A
Quote ID: 5770
Time Periods: 56
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 12/13
Section: 3A1,3A4,3D2
He came to have a seat side by side with the Teutonic graf or comes, and ultimately had a jurisdiction of his own. His wealth arose partly from the practice of the Roman landowners, sometimes in default of heirs and sometimes in spite of them, bequeathing their lands to him as the head of the political party to which they belonged; and partly from the growing custom on the part of the non-Roman element in the population, of endowing the Church with property “in remedium animae,” i.e., to save their souls. The city bishop thus became in a large number of instances a great landowner. As such he not only was the dispenser of ample charities to the poor, but also had a large number of dependants in the serfs, or slaves, upon the Church lands. He was, in short, a personage of such wealth and power that the Frankish king, Chilperic, is reported to have said more than once, “Absolutely the only persons who reign are the bishops: our i.e. the royal influence has perished, and is transferred to the bishops of the cities.”{1}
Quote ID: 5771
Time Periods: 56
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 29
Section: 3A1,4B
Both the co-operation itself, and the form which it took, were due to the enthusiasm and genius of our great countryman Boniface. To him more than to any other single cause the main features of the ecclesiastical system of the West are due.
Quote ID: 5775
Time Periods: 567
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 31
Section: 3A1,3D2
The precise means by which the new system was framed and enacted will be variously described as ecclesiastical, or civil, or both, according to the point of view of the narrator. The enactments are to be found, without variation of phrase, in the collections of Church councils and in those of Frankish laws; they are quoted sometimes as ecclesiastical canons, and sometimes as civil “capitularies.” The preamble, in almost all cases in which it has survived, recites that they were made by the head of the State, with the joint advice of clergy and laity.
Quote ID: 5776
Time Periods: 56
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 38/39
Section: 3A1,3A2A,3G
It is important to note that, from the time of Charles the Great, a bishop on his visitation tour acted in a double capacity, partly as an officer of the Church, preserving the ancient tradition of ecclesiastical discipline, and partly as an officer of the State, exercising powers with which the State had armed him.....
The bishop in his visitation was commonly invested with a commission to inquire into cases of murder, adultery, and other wrongdoings “which are contrary to the law of God, and which Christian men ought to avoid.” He was, above all, to stamp out the remains of paganism. He was to be an active agent in carrying out the great policy of establishing a Christian empire.
....
The weapon with which he was armed was in the first instance the legitimate ecclesiastical weapon of excommunication. Any one who was found to be guilty of flagrant immorality, or of practising pagan rites, was excluded from the Church. And if the ecclesiastical weapon failed of its effect, the bishop might resort to the “secular arm.” In any case the king’s officers were bound to help him; and a determined resistance to his sentence involved the severest penalties of the civil law.
Quote ID: 5777
Time Periods: 7
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 40
Section: 3A1,3D1,3G
It is certain that, at least for the time, the system was an enormous gain. Whatever be its merits or demerits in its abstract relation to Christianity, it must at least be credited with the great work of having saved the Churches of the West from a disintegration which would have involved for the clergy a revival of Arianism, and for the masses of the people a relapse into paganism.
Quote ID: 5778
Time Periods: 7
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 92/93
Section: 3A1
In this, as in almost all similar cases, the organisation of the church followed the lines of the civil organisation of the country and the age in which that organisation began. The lines were already marked out, and there was no need for disturbing them. They were found in time to need subdivision, but it was only in rare cases that they were found to require rearrangement.
Quote ID: 5789
Time Periods: 67
Growth of Church Institutions, The
The Rev. Edwin Hatch, M. A., D.D., (Reader In Ecclesiastical History In The University Of Oxford Sec
Book ID: 230 Page: 159/160
Section: 3A1,4B
In the century which had immediately succeeded the collapse of the Roman administration the majority of the clergy were Romans, citizens of the Roman municipalities, imbued with Roman traditions, and on a higher level of civilisation than the greater part of those to whom they ministered. In the eighth century the clergy, as is shown by their names, were mostly Teutons or Celts; and they do not seem to have been far removed from the ordinary level of their countrymen. Not only had the Christian ministry become a profession and means of livelihood; it had also become a lucrative profession. The great increase in the wealth of the Christian churches had fostered the growth of a class of clergy who were almost completely secularised. They hunted; they hawked; they traded; they lent money upon usury. And with the secularisation of their office came the degradation of its ideal of living.Pastor John’s note: Hatch romanticizes Romanness.
Quote ID: 5807
Time Periods: 47
Hadrian
Stewart Perowne
Book ID: 103 Page: 58
Section: 1A,2C,3A1
The great organization which is in so many ways the successor of the Caesars, the Roman Catholic Church, insists that complete obedience is the natural condition of the Christian soul, and in this view of human destiny millions throughout the world ardently concur. They submit to a pontiff as sovereign, and they, like their secular predecessors, address that sovereign as father, he them as his children.
Quote ID: 2570
Time Periods: 47
History of the Franks
Gregory Bishop of Tours
Book ID: 110 Page: x/xi
Section: 2E1,3A1,4B,2A3
However the natural advantages of Tours at this time were surpassed by the supernatural ones. Thanks to the legend of St. Martin this conveniently situated city had become “the religious metropolis” of Gaul. St. Martin had made a great impression on his generation.{1}....
[Footnote 1] In France, including Alsace and Lorraine, there are at the present time three thousand six hundred and seventy-five churches dedicated to St. Martin, and four hundred and twenty-five villages or hamlets are named after him. C. Bayet, in Lavisse, Histoire de France, 2I, p. 16.
He belonged to the privileged classes. Of his father’s family he tells us that “in the Gauls none could be found better born or nobler,” and of his mother’s that it was “a great and leading family.” On both his father’s and his mother’s side he was of senatorial rank, a distinction of the defunct Roman empire which still retained much meaning in central and southern Gaul. But the great distinction open at this time to a Gallo-Roman was the powerful and envied office of bishop. Men of the most powerful families struggled to attain this office and we can therefore judge of Gregory’s status when he tells us proudly that of the bishops of Tours from the beginning all but five were connected with him by ties of kinship.
In spite of all these advantages, under the externals of Christianity, Gregory was almost as superstitious as a savage. His superstition came to him straight from his father and mother and from his whole social environment. He tells us that his father, when expecting in 534 to go as hostage to king Theodobert’s court, went to “a certain bishop” and asked for relics to protect him. These were furnished to him in the shape of dust or “sacred ashes” and he put them in a little gold case the shape of a pea-pod and wore them about his neck, although he never knew the names of the saints whose relics they were.
Quote ID: 2640
Time Periods: 7
How the Irish Saved Civilization
Thomas Cahill
Book ID: 111 Page: 60
Section: 3A1
There is, however, one classical tradition that survived the transition---the still-living tradition of Roman law.
Quote ID: 2658
Time Periods: 7
How the Irish Saved Civilization
Thomas Cahill
Book ID: 111 Page: 61
Section: 3A1,3A4
There was, moreover, one office that survived intact from the classical to the medieval polis: the office of Catholic bishop.
Quote ID: 2659
Time Periods: 7
How the Irish Saved Civilization
Thomas Cahill
Book ID: 111 Page: 62/63
Section: 3A1,4B
“From the beginning of my episcopacy,” the aristocratic Cyprian of Carthage, monumental bishop of third-century Africa, confided to his clergy, “I made up my mind to do nothing on my own private opinion, without your advice and without the consent of the people.” By the end of Augustine’s life, such consultation was becoming the exception. Democracy depends on a well-informed electorate; and bishops could no longer rely on the opinion of their flocks - increasingly, uninformed and harried illiterates.In many districts, they were already the sole authority left, the last vestige of Roman law and order. They began to appoint one another and thus was born - five centuries after the death of Jesus - the self-perpetuating hierarch that rules the Catholic church to this day.
Quote ID: 2660
Time Periods: 345
Influence of Greek Ideas on Christianity, The
Edwin Hatch
Book ID: 321 Page: 349
Section: 3A1
The church became, not an assembly of devout men, grimly earnest about living a holy life - its bishops were statesmen; its officers were men of the world; its members were of the world, basing their conduct on the current maxims of society, held together by the loose bond of a common name, and of a creed which they did not understand.
Quote ID: 7755
Time Periods: 456
Inheritance of Rome, The
Chris Wickham
Book ID: 236 Page: 58/59
Section: 3A1,4B
The church in the fourth and fifth centuries became an elaborate structure, with perhaps a hundred thousand clerics of different types, more than the civil administration, and steadily increasing in wealth as a result of pious gifts. It was not part of the state, but its wealth and empire-wide institutional cohesion made it an inevitable partner for emperors and prefects, and a strong and influential informal authority in cities...
Quote ID: 5908
Time Periods: 45
Inheritance of Rome, The
Chris Wickham
Book ID: 236 Page: 59
Section: 3A1,4B
The fact that this institutional structure did not depend on the empire, and was above all separately funded, meant that it could survive the political fragmentation of the fifth century, and the church was indeed the Roman institution that continued with least change into the early Middle Ages.
Quote ID: 5909
Time Periods: 357
Inquisition
Edward Peters
Book ID: 116 Page: 1
Section: 3A1
Between the twelfth and the sixteenth centuries in western Europe, the Latin Christian Church adapted certain elements of Roman legal procedure and charged papally appointed clergy to employ them in order to preserve orthodox religious beliefs from the attacks of heretics.
Quote ID: 2737
Time Periods: 7
Inquisition: Spanish Inquisition, The
Jean Plaidy
Book ID: 273 Page: 161
Section: 3A1
In the year 1486. A priest of that town had been found guilty of a minor offence and sent to prison by the secular authorities. The ecclesiastical community, always jealous of their authority, were incensed that the civil law should take the judgment out of their hands. The misconduct of a priest, they maintained, was their affair, even if the priest had committed some offence which was in no way connected with his ecclesiastical duties. They therefore demanded that the priest be handed over to the Church that they might deal with him. This request was refused by the civil magistrate.
Quote ID: 6912
Time Periods: 7
Inquisition: Spanish Inquisition, The
Jean Plaidy
Book ID: 273 Page: 161
Section: 3A1
As a result of the promptings of the priests, the mob of Truxillo rose in a body, stormed the jail in which the priest was being held, freed not only him but the other prisoners.The ecclesiastical community folded its hands and smiled. This would be a lesson to the secular law, to leave churchmen to be dealt with by the Church. But the strong-minded Isabella was not to be intimidated.
Quote ID: 6913
Time Periods: ?
Inquisition: Spanish Inquisition, The
Jean Plaidy
Book ID: 273 Page: 161/162
Section: 3A1
She therefore sent her soldiers to Truxillo, where they were to restore order and arrest the ringleaders of the mob which had stormed the prison.They were sentenced to death and the priests whose preaching had incited the mob were banished from Spain. This was Isabella’s answer to the Church. It had her support within limits but the state was supreme.
Quote ID: 6914
Time Periods: 7
Invasion of Europe by the Barbarians, The
J. B. Bury
Book ID: 310 Page: 29
Section: 3A1
For the purposes of civil administration the whole Empire fell into four great sections, two in the west and two in the east, known as prefectures, because each section was governed by a great minister entitled a praetorian prefect, who was responsible solely to the Emperor.
Quote ID: 7547
Time Periods: 1
John Cassian - Ancient Christian Writers, The Conferences
John Cassian
Book ID: 14 Page: 296/297
Section: 3A1
“From these indications, the reason for this diversity can be understood. The differences of rank, which the adversary powers are said to possess on the model of the holy and heavenly virtues, they either continue to hold now from the station in which each one of them was originally created, or else those who plunged from the heavens laid claim among themselves, in a perverse imitation of the forces that remained there and to the degree that each had fallen into evil, to the formers’ grades and titles of rank.”
Quote ID: 230
Time Periods: 45
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 328
Section: 3A1,3A3
...an ability to sate the craving for justice of aggrieved parties like Annianus was an indispensable asset to religious specialists and magistrates alike in the third and fourth centuries. Among the religious specialists, Christian bishops seem to have had a gift for making their ability to deliver justice seem natural and even inevitable, but our understanding of the real basis of their authority is still in its infancy.
Quote ID: 2781
Time Periods: 34
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 332
Section: 3A1
....there is no compelling evidence that the churches could claim legal personality before the time of Constantine.
Quote ID: 2782
Time Periods: 4
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 375
Section: 3A1,3A3
Under the later Roman Empire, Christian bishops not only judged disputes concerning their fellow clerics and ruled on matters relating to church discipline and doctrine, they also settled cases that fell under the Roman civil law.
Quote ID: 2790
Time Periods: 345
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 403
Section: 3A1,3A3
We shall suggest that such emergent “grey areas” of everyday life, freshly created by the confluence of enduring Roman traditions, nascent paradigms of Christian mortality, and acute periods of social instability, opened up new areas of potential intervention for Roman bishops in the domestic sphere.{9}
Quote ID: 2793
Time Periods: 345
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 407
Section: 3A1,3A3
On the most basic level, late antique bishops were “watchmen”, men placed in positions of authority in light of their perceived moral excellence and their ability to oversee various facets of a Christian community’s religious life: its rituals, its teachings, its dispensation of justice, its wealth.{20} Yet oversight was a fairly plastic charge, which could be folded into a variety of paradigms.
Quote ID: 2794
Time Periods: 456
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 410
Section: 3A1,3A3,4B
.....late ancient bishops, especially those in Rome, wielded far less power in society than elite householders.{33} However, bishops could potentially offer the family something that lay householders could not: a reputation for spiritual acuity and a perceived familiarity with both religious ethics and civil law.
Quote ID: 2796
Time Periods: 456
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 417/418
Section: 3A1
Innocent to Probus. The disorder of the barbarian storm has caused an emergency to the application of the law. For although the marriage had been properly established, the assault of captivity would have made a strain on the marriage of Ursa and Fortunius, if the holy decrees of religion did not provide for it.
Quote ID: 2802
Time Periods: ?
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 420
Section: 3A1
Ep. 36, therefore, reflects the limits of Innocent’s power to enforce his juridical opinions within a lay household. The letter testifies to the fact that an early fifth-century Roman bishop still needed to work through traditional, already-existing channels of domestic authority in order to achieve his ethical goals within the context of a lay domus.
Quote ID: 2804
Time Periods: 5
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 422
Section: 3A1
The right of postliminium held that consent from both partners was necessary for the reinstatement of a marriage after the return of a spouse from captivity. However, by insisting that this was also a matter of sancta religionis statuta, Innocent threw a new spanner in the works: the problem would have to conform to these decrees as well. While a householder and public official like Probus might be expected to have expertise in the secular treatment of broken marriages, he could hardly claim to outdo a bishop when it came to knowledge of “the holy decrees of religion.”
Quote ID: 2806
Time Periods: 45
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 423
Section: 3A1
In the absence of Probus’s response or a follow-up letter from Innocent, we have no idea how the story of Fortunius, Ursa, and Restituta ended.
Quote ID: 2807
Time Periods: 45
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 423
Section: 3A1
Innocent’s authority as a counselor derived not from his dogmatic advocacy of the Christian system, but from his creative combination of Roman and ecclesiastical law on an intimate and emotionally wrought family matter.. . . .
It was exemplary not only in light of its subject matter (the sanctity of marriage even in the context of captivity), but also in light of its language of authority, which presented the Roman bishop as an expert in even the most quotidian matters of Christian life.
Quote ID: 2808
Time Periods: 45
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 424/425
Section: 3A1
Echoing perhaps the actual law passed by Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian in 366 C.E., Leo explicity argued for the restoration of remarriages:For you see that many things that belonged to those who were led into captivity can pass into another’s power, and nevertheless it is fully just that their own things be restored to those who have returned. Given the fact that this is properly observed in the case of slaves and land, or also in cases of houses and properties, how much more ought it be done for the restoration of marriages, so that what had been disturbed through wartime necessity should be restored by the remedy of peace?{81}
To an even greater extent than Innocent’s, Leo’s argument involved the assimilation of Christian precept to Roman law rather than their distinction.{82} If property was recoverable, surely marriage, he reasoned, ought to be too.
Quote ID: 2809
Time Periods: 45
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 433
Section: 3A1,3A2A,2E2
In the sixth century, emperors, kings, and bishops discovered the monastery as a tool of government. In particular, this century saw the transition of confinement in a monastery from a voluntary form of penance to a legal penalty.
Quote ID: 2811
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 450
Section: 3A1,4B
The abduction of nuns was not only an offense against Christian discipline, but–as laid down in a Novel by Justinian from 546 well known to Gregory–also a crime recognized by civil law.{53}
Quote ID: 2816
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 457
Section: 3A1,3A2A
....from a letter of Gregory’s predecessor Pelagius from 559, which presents us with the very first evidence for lay monastic confinement in Italy. Pelagius here instructed a sub-deacon of the Roman church to assign an adulterous woman to a secure place..... . . .
It is therefore not far-fetched to suggest that the “secure place” Pelagius was thinking of was a convent.
Quote ID: 2817
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 458
Section: 3A1,3A2A
In response to this case, Gregory gave Evangelus three rescripts to take home. One was addressed to Gregory’s agent for the Roman church’s landed property in Apulia, the notary Pantaleon. Pantaleon was to investigate the case, and if he found it as Evangelus had described it, he was to make sure that the junior Felix married the girl, or, if this did not happen. to flog, excommunicate, and assign him to a monastery to perform penance for an unspecified time.{76}
Quote ID: 2818
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 459
Section: 3A1
What this means is that, if Evangelus had chosen to approach a civil judge in this matter, and the judge had found the junior Felix guilty, he would potentially have faced execution. It is not clear whether Evangelus knew about his implication when he decided to seek justice for his daughter. It is clear, however, that he did not see a civil judge about the case, but had first approached bishop Felix,........this case may reflect, as argued by Tom Brown, that the power of the civil bureaucracy was considerably weakened in late sixth-century Italy due to a lack of funds, competition with military authority, and general wartime chaos and disruption. Bishops therefore may have increasingly been recognized as those in charge of maintaining public order in Italy.{79}
Quote ID: 2819
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 460
Section: 3A1
If this was so, Gregory’s response to the case did not disappoint. Here it is important to note that Gregory mentioned that also he, as a bishop, could and should really inflict the penalty of the civil law. This is in accordance with Justinian’s law that bishops, where they held trial over lay people, were supposed to follow procedures “according to the law”.{83}
Quote ID: 2820
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 461
Section: 3A1,3A3
Gregory therefore diverted from the letter of the law in the case of Felix of Sipontum (and perhaps in other cases involving monastic confinement in a variety of ways. He did not involve a civil judge in the hearing or sentencing, and he prescribed a different penalty than the law prescribed. Yet Gregory apparently did not anticipate that his procedure would create any problems with civil authority.. . . .
Recent research has shown that, in the context of Roman criminal procedures, it was common judicial practice that judges applied discretion in sentencing and very often diverted from the penalties prescribed by the laws.{85}
Quote ID: 2821
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 462
Section: 3A1,3A3
Surely in principle, in an ideal world of functioning civil authority, a civil judge would have taken care of lay people. However, in Gregory’s Italy, at least judging from the evidence of his letters, the reality was that many people turned to the bishop. In these individual cases, Gregory made sure to let his audience know–which was probably widely accepted–that he shouldered the burden of the civil judge.
Quote ID: 2822
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 463
Section: 3A1
In the context of forgiveness, Gregory’s take on jurisdiction was therefore based on divine, rather than Roman law. If needed, though, Gregory would inflict punishment, but one that was both an ecclesiastical and a civil penalty.
Quote ID: 2823
Time Periods: 6
Journal of Early Christian Studies Volume 19 / Number 3 / Fall 2011
The John Hopkins University Press
Book ID: 122 Page: 471
Section: 2E2,3A1
Yet, as Conrad Leyser has shown, the significance of Gregory for the development of asceticism in late antiquity lies essentially in his dismissal of the monastery as the model for the ideal Christian community.. . . .
It is here where the monastery found its place in Gregory’s pastoral framework. It is not in its ability to foster a communal way of life, but in its ability to provide a space for correction within the hierarchy of episcopal power that monastery captured his interest. It may be argued that Gregory so fully embraced the new role of coercive authority that Justinian’s legislation gave to the church because it fit his idea that correction of sin was more urgent than ever.
Quote ID: 2825
Time Periods: 6
Julian’s Against the Galileans
R. Joseph Hoffmann
Book ID: 123 Page: 87
Section: 3A1,4A
The Council of Ephesus meeting in 431 does not mention Julian’s work but condemns Porphyry’s to be burned, …
Quote ID: 2836
Time Periods: 5
Landscape with Two Saints: How Genovefa of Paris and Brigit of Kildare Built Christianity in Barbarian Europe
Lisa M. Bitel
Book ID: 125 Page: 119
Section: 3A1
When Cogitosus wrote in the 650s or so, he considered christianization to be complete. Pagans hardly figured in his tales of Brigit’s fifth-century adventures. However, Irish bishops gathered in synod around the same time and produced written decrees, which offered some specific advice about interactions between Christians and unbelievers. They advised Christians not to behave like or do business with the unbaptized. [see fall of thr Roman Empire, p. 127]
Quote ID: 2860
Time Periods: 567
Last Pagans of Rome, The
Alan Cameron
Book ID: 241 Page: 186
Section: 4B,3A1
In fact, it helps to explain Jerome’s famous anecdote about Praetextatus telling Damasus that he would convert at once if he could be bishop of Rome, a joke implying that, in the eyes of a leading pagan noble of the 360s, the bishop of Rome was a man of wealth and power, a priest with the social status of a pontifex or augur.
Quote ID: 6074
Time Periods: 4
Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World
Ed. G.W. Bowerrsock, Peter Brown, Oleg Grabar
Book ID: 126 Page: 110
Section: 3A1
Four hundred years later another barbarian ruler, Charlemagne, absorbed the empire into his person, having himself acclaimed emperor on Christmas Day, 800.
Quote ID: 2883
Time Periods: 7
Later Roman Empire, The
Averil Cameron
Book ID: 243 Page: 55
Section: 3A1,3A4A,3C
Constantine had a law which exempted Christian clergy from certain public obligations. Later, “Constantine found himself legislating to control the numbers of those who now flocked to be ordained and gain these privileges for themselves.”
Quote ID: 6111
Time Periods: 4
Later Roman Empire, The
Averil Cameron
Book ID: 243 Page: 58/59
Section: 3A1,3C
C’s “main contribution to the development of the church lay in the attitude which he adopted towards it as an institution; unwittingly, he set a momentous precedent for future relations between emperor and church and for the development often misleadingly referred to as ’Caesaropapism’.”
Quote ID: 6118
Time Periods: 4
Later Roman Empire, The
Averil Cameron
Book ID: 243 Page: 72
Section: 3A1,4B
By “popular demand” bishops began to be elected to their posts. Ambrose was the son of a high Roman official, skilled in Latin, a provincial governor in northern Italy, when by public demand he was appointed bishop of Milan in AD 374. Not only was he a non-cleric, he had not even received Christian baptism.PJ Note: Not baptized = he was not even a Christian.
Quote ID: 6129
Time Periods: 4
Later Roman Empire, The
Averil Cameron
Book ID: 243 Page: 72/73
Section: 3A1,4B
Pagan senators sought Ambrose’s favor for friends.
Quote ID: 6130
Time Periods: 4
Later Roman Empire, The
Averil Cameron
Book ID: 243 Page: 77
Section: 3A1
It is “extremely doubtful” that “Xty would have become the dominant religion without imperial support”
Quote ID: 6136
Time Periods: 45
Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew
Bart D. Ehrman
Book ID: 420 Page: 4
Section: 3A1,3A2A
And then, as a coup de grâce, this victorious party rewrote the history of the controversy, making it appear that there had not been much of a conflict at all, claiming that its own views had always been those of the majority of Christians at all times, back to the time of Jesus and his apostles, that its perspective, in effect, had always been “orthodox” (i.e., the “the right belief”) and that its opponents in the conflict, with their other scriptural texts, had always represented small splinter groups invested in deceiving people into “heresy”….
Quote ID: 8591
Time Periods: 45
Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew
Bart D. Ehrman
Book ID: 420 Page: 47
Section: 3A1,3A2A
As with political and broad cultural conflicts, the winners in battles for religious supremacy rarely publicize their opponent’s true views. What if they were found to be persuasive? It is far better to put a spin on things oneself, to show how absurd the opposition’s ideas are, how problematic, how dangerous. All is fair in love and war, and religious domination is nothing if not love and war.
Quote ID: 8597
Time Periods: 45
Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew
Bart D. Ehrman
Book ID: 420 Page: 141
Section: 2D3B,3A1
He wrote the entire church with instructions concerning how to handle the situation. But why did he not write the person in charge? It was because there was no person in charge. Paul’s churches, as evident from 1 Corinthians itself, were organized as charismatic communities, directed by the Spirit of God, who gave each member a special gift (Greek: charisma) to assist them to live and function together as a communal body, gifts of teaching, prophesying, giving, leading, and so on (1 Cor. 12).An organization like that may work for the short term, for example, in what Paul imagined to be the brief interim between Jesus’ resurrection and his imminent return in glory. But if Jesus were not to return immediately, and as a result, the church has time to develop and grow, having no one in charge can lead to serious chaos. And it did lead to serious chaos, especially in Corinth.
Quote ID: 8602
Time Periods: 1
Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew
Bart D. Ehrman
Book ID: 420 Page: 251
Section: 3A1,3C
All things considered, it is difficult to imagine a more significant event than the victory of proto-orthodox Christianity.
Quote ID: 8610
Time Periods: 4
Love Affairs of the Vatican, The
Dr. Angelo S. Rappoport
Book ID: 250 Page: 27
Section: 3A1,2C
Gregory’s aim was to isolate the priests from society, to turn them into a praetorian guard of the Pope. The Pontiff was to be a king, an emperor; he was to be above the sovereigns of the world, and as such he, too, must have his armies and his guards.Pastor John’s note: Gregory VII (Pope 2073–1085)
Quote ID: 6264
Time Periods: 7
Love Affairs of the Vatican, The
Dr. Angelo S. Rappoport
Book ID: 250 Page: 130
Section: 3A1,4B
The war between Henry, the German Emperor, and the Pope [PJ: Gregory VII] was being waged. Papacy and Empire had entered into that long struggle for supremacy which was to last for centuries. The successors of Charlemagne and the inheritors of St. Peter were each claiming the rule of the world.. . . .
The former monk ordered the German Emperor to appear before the papal throne in Rome, and when the inheritor of the succession of Charlemagne disobeyed, he was excommunicated, deprived of his Imperial dignities, and his crown bestowed upon the Duke of Swabia. Henry was ultimately obliged to travel to Canossa, there to do penance and to humiliate himself before the proud ruler on the throne of St. Peter.
Quote ID: 6265
Time Periods: 7
Making of a Christian Aristocracy, The
Michele Renee Salzman
Book ID: 297 Page: 181
Section: 3A1,3C,3D
Clergy even received certain benefits that made clear their favored status. So, for instance, clergy and other Christians were granted the rather unusual right of freeing their slaves in church according to Roman law (C.Th. 4.7.1 321). This is one indication of this emperor’s willingness to use law to support the institutional prestige of the church.
Quote ID: 7446
Time Periods: 4
Making of a Christian Aristocracy, The
Michele Renee Salzman
Book ID: 297 Page: 195
Section: 3A1,3C
The emperors also made explicit the privileged position of the church within the state. Most important, in terms of influencing upwardly mobile local elites, were the codes granting exemptions to clergy from serving on local town councils and performing compulsory public service. {71} Pagan priests also enjoyed such exemptions. {72} But Constantine and his successors granted certain privileges to the church and its officials that went beyond those generally allowed to the pagan cults and their priests. So, for instance, bishops were prohibited from being accused in secular courts (C.Th. 16.2.12 355), and bishops were given judicial authority, deemed “sacred” and final (C.Th. 1.27.1 318). {73}
Quote ID: 7460
Time Periods: 4
Making of a Christian Aristocracy, The
Michele Renee Salzman
Book ID: 297 Page: 200
Section: 3A1,3D,4B
By the 380’s and 390’s conversion may well have appeared to many late Roman aristocrats as the best way to preserve their world. Aristocrats did have to adapt in certain ways to become Christian, but what is often missed is that Christianity also adapted as it came into contact with the aristocracy.
Quote ID: 7467
Time Periods: 4
Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church
A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus By W.H.C. Frend
Book ID: 316 Page: 22
Section: 3A1
The problem which the Christians posed to the Empire was fundamentally the same as that posed by Judaism, namely the reconciliation of the claims of a theocracy with those of a world empire.{193}
Quote ID: 7657
Time Periods: 123
Monumenta Bulgarica
Thomas Butler
Book ID: 154 Page: 231
Section: 3A1
From Pope Innocent III to Kalojan, King of Bulgaria"Trusting the authority of the One through whom Samuel anointed David King, we appoint you King over them [PJ: "the Bulgarian and Wallachian nations"], and we send you by our beloved son Leo, Priest Cardinal of the Holy Cross and Legate of the Holy See – a man of judgment and honor, favored by us among our other brothers – a royal scepter and royal diadem, which will be placed on you by his hands as if they were ours, after he has received from you a sworn oath that you will remain loyal and obedient to us, to our successors, and to the Roman Church, and that you will keep all the lands and peoples subject to your rule in obedience and devotion to the Apostolic See."
Quote ID: 3292
Time Periods: 7
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 137
Section: 3A1,4B
Lecture V: Clergy and Laity.Civil order was conceived to be almost as divine as physical order is conceived to be in our own day. In the State, the head of the State seemed as such by virtue of his elevation to have some of the attributes of a divinity: and in the Church the same Apostolical Constitutions which give as the reason why a layman may not celebrate the Eucharist that he has not the necessary dignity (Greek word here), call the officer who has that dignity a ‘god upon earth{58}.’ When in the decay of the Empire, the ecclesiastical organization was left as the only stable institution, it was almost inevitable that those who preserved the tradition of imperial rule should, by the mere fact of their status, seem to stand upon a platform which was inaccessible to ordinary men.
Quote ID: 6427
Time Periods: 67
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 146/147
Section: 3A1,4B
Lecture VI: The Clergy as a Separate Class.At first the rule that all causes in which officers of the Churches were concerned should be decided by the Churches themselves was permissive{16}. But at last it became compulsory{17}.
. . . .
...and so began that long struggle between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction over Church officers, which forms so important an element in mediaeval history, and which has not altogether ceased in our own times{19}.
The joint effect of these exemptions from public burdens, and from ordinary courts, was the creation of a class civilly distinct from the rest of the community. This is the first element in the change which we are investigating : the clergy came to have a distinct civil status.
Quote ID: 6430
Time Periods: 47
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 160/161
Section: 3A1,3D2
Lecture VI: The Clergy as a Separate Class.All this was intensified by the decay and fall of the Roman Empire. When the surging tides of barbarian invasion swept over Europe, the Christian organization was almost the only institution of the past which survived the flood. It remained as a visible monument of what had been, and, by so remaining, was of itself an antithesis to the present. The chief town of the Roman province, whatever its status under barbarian rule, was still the bishop’s see. The limits of the old ‘province,’ though the boundary of a new kingdom might bisect them, were still the limits of his diocese. The bishop’s tribunal was the only tribunal in which the laws of the Empire could be pleaded in their integrity. The bishop’s dress was the ancient robe of a Roman magistrate. The ancient Roman language which was used in the Church services was a standing protest against the growing degeneracy of the ‘vulgar tongue.’ These survivals of the old world which was passing away gave to the Christian clergy a still more...
Pastor John’s comment: Wow
. . . .
To the ‘pagani’ of Gaul and Spain, to the Celtic inhabitants of our own islands, and, in rather later times, to the Teutonic races of Central Europe, they were probably never known except as a special class, assuming a special status, living a special life, and invested with special powers.
Quote ID: 6437
Time Periods: 56
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 168
Section: 3C,3A1
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.But no sooner had Christianity been recognized by the State than such conferences tended to multiply, to become not occasional but ordinary, and to pass resolutions which were regarded as binding upon the Churches within the district from which representatives had come, and the acceptance of which was regarded as a condition of intercommunion with the Churches of other provinces. There were strong reasons of imperial policy for fostering this tendency. It was clearly advisable that the institutions to which a new status had been given should be homogeneous. It was clearly contrary to public policy that not only status but also funds should be given to a number of communities which had no other principle of cohesion than that of a more or less undefined unity of belief{9}.
[Footnote 9] A law of Constantine in A. D. 326, Cod. Theodos. 16. 5. I, confines the privileges and immunities which had been granted to Christians to ‘catholicae legis observatoribus.’
Quote ID: 6440
Time Periods: 4
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 170
Section: 2C,3A1
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.These latter were held upon a strictly local basis : they followed the lines of the civil assemblies whose ordinary designation they appropriated. They followed them also in meeting in the metropolis of the province. The bishop of that metropolis was their ordinary president : in this respect there was a difference between the civil and the ecclesiastical assemblies, for in the former the president was elected from year to year. In this way the bishop of the metropolis came to have a preeminence over the other bishops of a province. By a natural process, just as the vote and sanction of a bishop had become necessary to the validity of the election of a presbyter, so the vote and sanction of a metropolitan became necessary to the validity of the election of a bishop{14}. In time a further advance was made. Just as civil provinces were grouped into dioceses, and the governors of a ‘province’ were subordinated to the governor of a ‘diocese,’ so a gradation was recognized between the bishop of the chief city of a province and the bishop of the chief city of a diocese. In both cases the civil names were retained : the former were called metropolitans, the latter exarchs or patriarchs{15}.
Quote ID: 6441
Time Periods: 45
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 171
Section: 3A1,3A2A
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.When the Churches of a province, and still more when the Churches of the greater part of the Empire, were linked together by the ties of a confederation, meeting in common assembly, and agreeing upon a common plan of action, exclusion by a single Church came to mean exclusion from all the confederated Churches{16}.
Quote ID: 6442
Time Periods: 456
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 174/175
Section: 3A1,3C
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.Even before Christianity had been recognized by the State, when Paul of Samosata refused to give up possession of the Church-buildings at Antioch, and claimed still to be the bishop of the Church, there were no means of ejecting him except that of an appeal to the Emperor Aurelian{22}. A number of such Churches might join together and form a rival association. In one important case this was actually done. A number of Churches in Africa held that the associated Churches were too lax in their terms of communion. How far they were right in the particular points which they urged cannot now be told{23}. But the contention was for purity. The seceding Churches were rigorists. Their soundness in the faith was unquestionable{24}. They resolved to meet together as a separate confederation, the basis of which should be a greater purity of life; and but for the interference of the State they might have lasted as a separate confederation to the present day. The interference of the State was not so much a favour shown to the bishops who asked for it as a necessary continuation of the policy which Constantine had begun.
. . . .
it was impossible for the State to assume the office of determining for itself what was and what was not Christian doctrine. It was enough for the State that a great confederation of Christian societies existed.
Quote ID: 6445
Time Periods: 34
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 176
Section: 3A1,3C
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.(3) The State discouraged and ultimately prohibited the formation of new associations outside the general confederation. ‘Let all heresies,’ says a law of Gratian and Valentinian, ‘for ever hold their peace: if any one entertains an opinion which the Church has condemned let him keep it to himself and not communicate it to another {27}.’
PJ: A major development. = no groups of congregations were legitimate outside the Roman Catholic faith.
Quote ID: 6446
Time Periods: 4
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 177/178
Section: 1A,2C,3A1,3C
Lecture VII: Councils and the Unity of the Church.In this way it was that, by the help of the State, the Christian Churches were consolidated into a great confederation. Whatever weakness there was in the bond of a common faith was compensated for by the strength of civil coercion. But that civil coercion was not long needed. For the Church outlived the power which had welded it together. As the forces of the Empire became less and less, the forces of the Church became more and more. The Churches preserved that which had been from the first the secret of Imperial strength. For underneath the Empire which changed and passed, beneath the shifting pageantry of Emperors who moved across the stage and were seen no more, was the abiding empire of law and administration, – which changed only as the deep sea changes beneath the wind-swept waves. That inner empire was continued in the Christian Churches. In the years of transition from the ancient to the modern world, when all civilized society seemed to be disintegrated, the confederation of the Christian Churches, by the very fact of its existence upon the old imperial lines, was not only the most powerful, but the only powerful organization in the civilized world.
. . . .
This confederation, and no other, was the ‘city of God;’ this, and no other, was the ‘body of Christ;’ this, and no other, was the ‘Holy Catholic Church.’
Quote ID: 6447
Time Periods: 147
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 184
Section: 3A1,3C
Lecture VIIIn the third period, insistence on Catholic faith had led to the insistence on Catholic order – for without order, dogma had no guarantee of permanence. Consequently the idea of unity of organization was superimposed upon that of unity of belief. It was held not to be enough for a man to be living a good life, and to hold the Catholic faith and to belong to a Christian association: that association must be part of a larger confederation, and the sum of such confederations constituted the Catholic Church{44}.
This last is the form which the conception of unity took in the fourth century, and which to a great extent has been permanent ever since.
Quote ID: 6448
Time Periods: 47
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 185
Section: 3A1,2C,3C
Lecture VII‘Your Catholic Church,’ they said to their opponents, ‘is a geographical expression: it means the union of so many societies in so many provinces or in so many nations: our Catholic Church is the union of all those who are Christians in deed as well as in word: it depends not upon intercommunion, but upon the observance of all the divine commands and Sacraments: it is perfect, and it is immaculate’ {47}.
The Donatists were crushed: but they were crushed by the State. They had resisted State interference: Quid Imperatori cum ecclesia? They asked {48}. But the Catholic party had already begun its invocation of the secular power: and the secular power made ecclesiastical puritanism a capital crime{49}.
Quote ID: 6449
Time Periods: 456
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, The
Edwin Hatch, M. A.
Book ID: 255 Page: 208
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
Lecture VIIIAnd here the examination which I proposed at starting comes to an end.
The main propositions in which the results of that examination may be summed up are two-
(1) That the development of the organization of the Christian Churches was gradual:
(2) That the elements of which that organization were composed were already existing in human society.
These propositions are not new: they are so old as to have been, in greater or less degree, accepted by all ecclesiastical historians.
. . . .
But in dealing with them I have arrived at and set forth the view, in regard to the first of them, that the development was slower than has sometimes been supposed, and, in regard to the second, that not only some but all the elements of the organization can be traced to external sources. The difference between this view and the common view is one of degree and not of kind.
Quote ID: 6453
Time Periods: 4567
Origins of Modern Europe, The
R. Allen Brown
Book ID: 256 Page: 5
Section: 3A1
. . . the explanation of the two world wars of the twentieth century lies more in the policies of Pope Gregory VII in the eleventh century than in those of Bismarck in the nineteenth.
Quote ID: 6458
Time Periods: 7
Origins of Modern Europe, The
R. Allen Brown
Book ID: 256 Page: 9
Section: 1A,3A1
Then again, if there is to be a medieval period, when does it begin and at what point does it end? The year 476 marks no clean break: it is easy enough to see the Roman Empire declining, but difficult if not impossible to say when it ends. A recent writer has suggested that from one point of view ‘the Roman Empire achieved its fullest development in the thirteenth century’,{1} and what are we to do with that Holy Roman Empire which survived until 1806?[Footnote 1] R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, Pelican History of the Church, vol. 2 1970), p. 25.
This is the quote:
Quote ID: 6460
Time Periods: 157
Origins of Modern Europe, The
R. Allen Brown
Book ID: 256 Page: 58/60
Section: 2C,3A1
Bishops in, as it were, historically recognizable form scarcely appear to our knowledge before the second century, but when they do we can begin to see also the organization for the Church inevitably following the pattern of Roman civil organization. In the West, not the least of the ‘non-religious’ contributions of the Church to the future will be the preservation of something of the fabric, and much of the concept, of classical Roman government and administration . . .. . . .
Thus early ecclesiastical organization, like Roman society and administration, was essentially urban, a bishop residing in a city and presiding over the Christian community within it, and presiding also over the wide surrounding and dependent countryside of the city, which will become his diocese. The majority of early Christians being townsfolk, and the countryfolk outside the towns being backward in respect of religion, the Latin word for countryman, paganus, became synonymous with unbeliever, and hence the word ‘pagan’.
. . . .
. . . the inevitable following out a stage further of the pattern of Roman civil administration. Thus when, as was necessary, conferences, councils or synods were called to discuss ecclesiastical affairs, it was natural and convenient that they should assemble at the principal city, the capital or metropolis of an existing Roman province, and thus a certain pre-eminence accrued to the bishop of that city, who will in due course become the metropolitan, i.e. the archbishop.
Quote ID: 6487
Time Periods: 456
Origins of Modern Europe, The
R. Allen Brown
Book ID: 256 Page: 72/3
Section: 3A1
Some other word than ‘forgery’ should be coined for the compilation of spurious documents in the early Middle Ages, for in a world which had almost lost but was beginning to seek again the authority of the written record as opposed to oral tradition, they carry little or none of the ugly immoral associations of forgeries in later periods. about the Donation of Constantine. . . without any necessary attempt to defraud - and so it is, on a more majestic scale, with the Donation of Constantine, the date and exact purpose of which nevertheless remain unknown. An ‘extraordinary perversion of history’ it undoubtedly is, and a ‘dream-world of Roman theocracy’{1} it may be said to embody, but it also embodies beliefs, ideas and ideals, current, most would agree, in the late eighth century, of the claims of the Pope to a universal temporal authority in the West as the visible successor in Rome to the Caesars, and it is at least probable that the imperial coronation of Charlemagne on Christmas Day, 800, was intended to put the concept into practice as the delegation of such temporal authority.
Quote ID: 6496
Time Periods: 7
Orosius: Seven Books of History against the Pagans
A. T. Fear
Book ID: 165 Page: 262
Section: 3A1,4B
After this empire had prospered for a long time under its kings and consuls and come into possession of Asia, Africa, and Europe, by His ordinances He gathered everything into the hands of one emperor who was both the bravest and most merciful of men. Under this emperor whom almost every people justly honoured with a mixture of fear and love, the True God Who was worshipped through unsettling superstitions by those in ignorance, revealed the great fountain of coming to know Him.{7}
Quote ID: 3479
Time Periods: 45
Paganism to Christianity in the Roman Empire
Walter Woodburn Hyde
Book ID: 172 Page: 197
Section: 3C,3A1,4B
By aligning itself with the imperial trend, the Church caused essential changes in its inner life. As soon as a mere profession of Christianity was enough to lead to political and social preferment, the pristine virtues of simplicity and sincerity yielded to hypocrisy. Many professed Christians were pagans at heart.
Quote ID: 3788
Time Periods: 45
Paganism to Christianity in the Roman Empire
Walter Woodburn Hyde
Book ID: 172 Page: 200
Section: 3A1
One of the worst evils to grow out of Constantine’s protection of the Church remains to be mentioned: the persecution of paganism. In the process, Christians quite forgot Jesus’ admonition and used violence, destroying temples and statues, closing pagan schools, trampling on pagan sensibilities and even killing adherents of opposing faiths. Indeed Roman history from Constantine’s death to the close of the fourth century and even later is filled with the story of Christian reprisals. And when a half century later it was officially over and all rivals were banished, the struggle proved to have been only a forerunner of worse persecutions within the ranks of the Church itself-persecutions which dwarfed those of Rome.
Quote ID: 3792
Time Periods: 456
Paganism to Christianity in the Roman Empire
Walter Woodburn Hyde
Book ID: 172 Page: 201
Section: 3A1
Constantine regarded religious dissension as a menace to State unity and felt that it should be suppressed with the aid of secular authority, and this he did.
Quote ID: 3793
Time Periods: 4
Paganism to Christianity in the Roman Empire
Walter Woodburn Hyde
Book ID: 172 Page: 205
Section: 3C,3A1
Constantine confirmed the action and all who refused to accept it were anathematized.{44} It became law, with the Church thus becoming a division of government.
Quote ID: 3797
Time Periods: 4
Paganism to Christianity in the Roman Empire
Walter Woodburn Hyde
Book ID: 172 Page: 225
Section: 3A1,3A4C
Tertullian affirmed that a Christian and a Caesar were contradictions in terms and that Christ had refused an earthly kingdom since it was impossible to serve two masters.{145} It was for this reason that he also said of his fellow-Christians that “for us nothing is more foreign than the commonwealth. We recognize but one universal commonwealth, the world.”{146}
Quote ID: 7759
Time Periods: 23
Pagans and Christians: Religion and the Religious Life from the Second to Fourth Century A.D.
Robin Lane Fox
Book ID: 173 Page: 500
Section: 3A1
It is here that the gift of discernment was most urgent. Paul had advised his Christians to take their disputes before fellow Christians, not before pagan courts of law: arbitration and conciliation became the formidable tasks of every bishop.
Quote ID: 3877
Time Periods: 134
Painting the Word
John Drury
Book ID: 174 Page: 6
Section: 3A1
Christ reclines with a languid nobility, touched with hauteur, which reminds one of the point made by a preacher to an aristocratic audience: that not only was he the Son of God, he also came of an excellent family on his mother’s side.
Quote ID: 3879
Time Periods: 7
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 3
Section: 3A1
To the Roman Empire succeeded the Papal Monarchy.
Quote ID: 7904
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 3
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
When we speak of the Middle Ages we mean this second, spiritual and Christian Rome…the mother of civilisation, the source to Western peoples of religion, law, and order, of learning, art, and civic institutions. It became to them what Delphi had been to the Greeks…PJ: Look for a quote on Delphi to show what the last part of this quote is saying. Ordered the book on Delphi.
Quote ID: 7906
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 4
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
It is in this way that the medieval Popes take their place in the Story of the Nations; they continue the Roman history….
Quote ID: 7907
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 9
Section: 3A1
Yet the conquest of the Holy Land, soon won and in short episode lost, was by no means the chief gain to Rome of these world-famous expeditions. From them we date the extensive and permanent taxing-powers, enforced all over Christendom, which the Sovereign Pontiffs insisted upon as their rights….
Quote ID: 7909
Time Periods: 7
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 12
Section: 1A,3A1
This was no sudden creation, but a slow and imperceptible growth of time, extending over five or six hundred years, so complete at length that as in Pope Leo I, we may contemplate the Romulus, so in Gregory the Great we discern the not unkingly Numa, of a city more sacred than the antique Rome, yet hardly less imperial.
Quote ID: 7910
Time Periods: 1567
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 21
Section: 1A,3A1
…as the Christian system moulded itself on the Imperial, and Bishops fell into their places, according to the importance of the cities over which they ruled.
Quote ID: 7920
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 28
Section: 1A,3A1
For Rome, as Dӧllinger says, “took the world ready-made.” It would not vex itself with philosophic inquiries, whether in its former heathen or its present Christian stage.
Quote ID: 7923
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 32
Section: 1A,3A1
The primitive Church was the Empire taken a second time, but for spiritual and heavenly purposes.
Quote ID: 7925
Time Periods: 17
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 33
Section: 1A,3A1
It is the old Roman vision of a world-empire expanding and realising itself as a Catholic Church….
Quote ID: 7926
Time Periods: 17
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 37/38
Section: 1A,3A1,3A4
It was the duty of the Pontiff, as it had formerly been of the Emperor, to feed the people in seasons of famine; to make good the losses occasioned by earthquakes, conflagrations, risings of the Tiber, invasions of Goths or Vandals; to preside at the crowded Church festivals, which took the place of gladiatorial sports, abolished at this time; and to do what in them lay as mediators between the people and their conquerors.
Quote ID: 7928
Time Periods: 17
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 41
Section: 1A,3A1
Rome had now “become, through the sacred Chair of Peter, head of the world;” its religious empire stretched far beyond its earthly dominion; and this was the work of Providence.
Quote ID: 7929
Time Periods: 17
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 45/46
Section: 1A,3A1
But wherever a Bishop holds his court, religion protects all that is left of the ancient order. A new Rome ascends slowly above the horizon.….
…it is even the heir of the religion which it has overthrown….
….
The Emperor is no more; the Consul has laid down the fasces; the golden Capitol has seen its gods and heroes carried into captivity…
….
But the Pontifex Maximus abides; he is now the Vicar of Christ, offering the old civilisation to the tribes of the North.
Quote ID: 7931
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 49
Section: 1A,3A1,3G,4B
At this hour of deepest eclipse, Gregory ascended the Papal Chair, and the Middle Ages began.In this noble and attractive person we may affirm that all which the ancient world could now bequeath to the modern was to be found. He sprang from the most conspicuous of late Roman Houses, the Anicii, who had long been Christian. The grandson of Pope Felix and son of Gordianus, at one time he was Prӕtor, if not Perfect, of the City. Then, in obedience to the strongest current of his age, he had become a monk. He turned his fine mansion on the Cӕlian into a monastery.
Quote ID: 7932
Time Periods: 167
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 50
Section: 3A1,3A3,3G
Yet on him it fell to feed and defend the city. The imperial officers could do nothing.
Quote ID: 7933
Time Periods: 267
Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII (590-1303), The
William Barry
Book ID: 342 Page: 51
Section: 3A1,3A4B,3A3B,3G
He alone signs the treaty of peace with Agilulf. He insists on the freedom of soldiers who are desirous of becoming monks, although the Emperor had forbidden it. If, as Pope, he was the richest landowner in Italy, with thousands of serfs and myriads of acres yielding him a revenue, from these resources he nourished his Romans at the doors of the basilicas. Neither would he permit his coloni to be ruthlessly oppressed. He maintained the churches, ransomed captives, set up hospitals for pilgrims, and saw to it that twice in the year a corn-bearing fleet from Sicily supplied Rome with provisions at Portus.
Quote ID: 7935
Time Periods: 67
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 165/166
Section: 3A1
Our picture of Cyprian is quite different from that of Tertullian. …He considered himself, as the bishop of Carthage, in authority over three areas: Africa Proconsularis, Numidia and Mauretania.
Quote ID: 8441
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 175
Section: 3A1,4B
He had been a significant person, as he reminded his readers several times, and he continued to be one. It is not an accident that the Roman clergy, without a bishop for a while, addressed him as “honored papa Cyprian” (Letters 8: 30; 31; 36). His clergy received their monthly allotments from him and he could interrupt them at any point (34; 39).{20} In all these ways, Cyprian shaped the church of North Africa in a very traditional Roman way, with himself as the patron.
Quote ID: 8448
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 176/177
Section: 2C,3A1,4B
More serious still is the way in which Cyprian condemned the cursus honorum, yet in his language about the Episcopal office and in his manner of dealing with subordinates, he reinstated it in practical terms. The bishops owned the church and all its benefits, allegiance and honor from the dispensing of goods and spiritual benefits. The people performed essentially the same functions in this community as they did in the general Roman community. They were his clients and his clients’ clients.When Cyprian was gone, the African church continued with great tensions between those who wished to follow the revised paradigm and those who saw Cyprian’s reinstatement of the tradition one as the true model. It was a critical time when Cyprian, a man not steeped in the new paradigm, was forced to deal with the pressures of persecution, apostasy and opposition. He simply was not thoroughly prepared, so he returned to the default position, the traditional paradigm of greatness and leadership.
Quote ID: 8449
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 179
Section: 3A1,4B
His defense of the order of leaders, based on an analogy from the Roman military and from the function of the Hebrew priesthood, is striking because it did not emerge from Christian roots. His letter was very influential in the future, alongside the writings which would become the New Testament, and his arguments for the authority of leaders would be used repeatedly.
Quote ID: 8451
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 184
Section: 3A1,3B,4B
The Revised Paradigm in a World of Confusion 220-290 CEAs the Severan dynasty struggled and fell, the empire entered a period with much political turmoil, economic decline and environmental difficulties such as plague and crop failure. Christian communities flourished in this period, however, in part because their benevolence made many friends. As it grew and garnered approval, the church became more visible and a more attractive place for a career. Origen complained about a growing ambition for offices within the community. That is indeed the major story of this period.
Quote ID: 8452
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 184
Section: 2C,3A1,4B
…ambition continued to play a role. Some reasons can be seen in the Apostolic Tradition, a Roman church order document attributed to Hippolytus. In it, a full hierarchy of church officers is apparent, and the workplace terms which once downplayed position now have distinct levels of honor and privilege. The people have once again become clients of a great man, the bishop. Benevolence continues, but it is clearly in the mold of the traditional patronage paradigm.
Quote ID: 8453
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 185
Section: 2C,3A1,4B
Meanwhile, the two major figures of Cappadocia and Pontus, Firmilian and Gregory Thaumaturgos, were of aristocratic families and continued to be aristocratic in their Episcopal offices.….
When the qualifications for a bishop in Pontus included a choice from “those who appeared to be outstanding in eloquence and family,{1} that then would not have been a surprise. These developments make the case of Paul of Samosata quite understandable.
Paul simply took to its logical conclusion what had become the standard model among urban clergy: he was a “great man.” That was now standard for bishops, especially in a major urban center like Antioch. As for becoming a procurator ducenarius by the patronage of the Palmyrene dynasty—why not? Other Christians held high imperial positions,{2} why not combine two great positions: bishop of Antioch and procurator of Syria?
Quote ID: 8454
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 186
Section: 3A1,4B
All of this third-century development demonstrates that the common understanding of the community and its leaders had moved, in the major centers of the empire, back toward the traditional Roman paradigm.
Quote ID: 8455
Time Periods: 3
Patronage in Early Christianity
Alan B. Wheatley
Book ID: 396 Page: 187
Section: 3A1,4B
Finally the weight of the great urban centers prevailed over the great bulk of Christians. Cyprian enunciated the rights and privileges of the clergy in ways which became the norm for leaders and people.
Quote ID: 8458
Time Periods: 3
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 16/17
Section: 3A1
To this end, Cyril authorized his agents in Constantinople to mobilize the major figures of the court and city.. . . .
As for the officials of the palace, they were to be paid “whatever their greed demands.”
. . . .
These instructions were accompanied by a detailed list of sums of money and de luxe articles of furniture to be distributed as “blessings” from Cyril. One thousand eighty pounds of gold……., 14 ivory high-backed thrones, 36 thrones, 36 throne covers, 12 door hangings, and 22 tablecloths. A hundred pounds of gold (the equivalent of a year’s support for 4 bishops or for 1,800 members of the poor), for instance, went to the wife of the praetorian prefect, and fifty pounds went to his legal adviser.
. . . .
It was a small price to pay for the peace of the church. A man passionately committed to using the sovereign power of the emperor Theodosius II in order to ensure the victory of his own theological views, Cyril ….
Quote ID: 4017
Time Periods: 5
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 29
Section: 3A1,3A2A
In the same way, almost a century later the emperor Theodosius II was able to bring the upper-class residents and clergy of Constantinople to heel, by reminding them that he might look into the tax arrears of anyone who opposed the theological views of his favorite, the monk Eutyches.{109}
Quote ID: 4019
Time Periods: 5
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 33
Section: 1A,3A1
Nor did it represent an old-world idyll, at odds with reality. Despite the more drastic assertion of state power that characterized the fourth century, a system of government based upon collusion with the upper classes had continued to idle under a centuries-old momentum. Nor was such “concord” invariably artificial. In the words of Edward Thompson: “Once a social system has become ‘set,’ it does not need to be endorsed daily by exhibitions of power. . . . What matters more is a continuing theatrical style.” {124}
Quote ID: 4021
Time Periods: 14
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 34
Section: 3A1,4B
For it is only by comparing the widely accepted codes of political behavior, linked to the paideia of the civic notables, with the emergent Christian culture of the bishops and the monks that we can measure the extent and the significance of the change in “theatrical style” that came about in the last decades of the fourth century. In that crucial generation, Christian spokesmen, representing the needs of Christian congregations in the cities, began to intervene in the politics of the empire. As we shall see, however, they frequently did so by taking on roles, in their confrontation with those in power, that had originally been elaborated by men of paideia.
Quote ID: 4022
Time Periods: 45
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 100
Section: 3A1,3A4B
For this reason, the recognition by Constantine of the bishop’s court of arbitration, his episcopalis audientia, proved decisive for the elaboration of a Christian representation of society. For this court gave reality to the subtle shift by which the bishop, as “lover of the poor,” became also the protector of the lower classes.The episcopalis audientia was not, by any means, a court open only to the humble.
. . . .
These parties could be rich landowners. Some even became Christians in order to avail themselves of the services of the bishop, as a cheap and expeditious arbitrator.{154}
. . . .
Roman law, based on careful consultation with experts, determined the bishop’s judgment.{156}
Quote ID: 4061
Time Periods: 4
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 102/103
Section: 3A1,3A3B,3A2
By 418, the “most reverend bishop” commanded, in effect, a hand-picked force of some five hundred men with strong arms and backs, the parabalani, who were nominally entrusted with the “care of the bodies of the weak” as stretcher-beaters and hospital orderlies.{170} The massed presence of the parabalani made itself felt in the theater, in the law courts, and in front of the town hall of Aleandria. The town council was forced to complain to the emperor of such intimidation.{171}While the patriarch of Alexandria became notorious for his use of such groups, he was by no means alone. The patriarch of Antioch also commanded a threatening body of lecticarii, pallbearers for the burial of the urban poor.{172} The extensive development of the underground cemeteries of the Christian community in Rome, the famous catacombs, from the early third century onwards, placed at the disposal of the bishop a team of fossores, grave diggers skilled in excavating the tufa rock, as strong and as pugnacious as were the legendary Durham coal miners who intervened in the rowdy elections of the nineteenth century.{173} During the disputed election in which Damasus became bishop of Rome in 366, the fossores played a prominent role in a series of murderous assaults on the supporters of his rival.{174} Throughout the empire, the personnel associated with the bishop’s care of the poor had become a virtual urban militia.
Quote ID: 4062
Time Periods: 34
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 103
Section: 3A1,3A2
As protector of the poor, the Christian bishop had achieved an unexpected measure of public prominence by the last decade of the fourth century.. . . .
Ambrose of Milan drew his own conclusion in 388: “The bishops are the controllers of the crowds, the keen upholders of peace, unless, of course [he added ominously], they are moved by insults to God and to His church.”{175}
Quote ID: 4063
Time Periods: 4
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 108/109
Section: 3A1,3A2A
The military authorities were furious. Even Theodosius agreed: “The monks commit many atrocities.”{202} The bishop was ordered to pay for the rebuilding of the synagogue.By that time Theodosius was in northern Italy, having defeated Maximus. In a tense interview in the cathedral basilica of Milan, Bishop Ambrose refused, despite shouts of protest from the general Timasius, to begin the Eucharistic liturgy—with its solemn prayer for the emperor and his armies—until Theodosius countermanded the order.{203}
. . . .
He gave in to Ambrose.
Quote ID: 4066
Time Periods: 4
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 119
Section: 3A1,3D
The bishops who had emerged, relatively suddenly, as new figures in local society tended, in the eastern empire, to come from backgrounds similar to that of Gregory. They were local notables, proud of their good birth and of their possession of paideia.{2}. . . .
But after the death of Theodosius I in 395 and especially in the course of the preternaturally long, faceless reign of his grandson, Theodosius II, from 408 to 450, it was plain that a new equilibrium had been reached. Like stones shaken in a sieve, the upper classes of the cities took on a new complexion: the Christian bishop and his clergy were more prominent than before. But the same stones remained, if redistributed in a different pattern.
Quote ID: 4071
Time Periods: 45
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 125/126
Section: 3A1
In every region, the tacit alliance between potentially conflicting segments of the urban elite was sealed by the fear of alternatives. These elites knew that they lived in a threatened empire. Quite apart from determined enemies on every frontier—on the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Nile—the countryside of Asia Minor and northern Syria was racked by brigandage, based in the Taurus Mountains. In Palestine, the revolt of profoundly disaffected groups, Jews and Samaritans, remained a constant threat.Nor was the sacralized violence of the monks much to the liking of many bishops. We frequently find bishops allying with the city’s elite to keep monks out of town and to defend the ancient customs of the city.
Quote ID: 4078
Time Periods: 45
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 136
Section: 3A1
It was the flesh and bone of access to the imperial power that came to count in the fifth century. A groundswell of confidence that Christians enjoyed access to the powerful spelled the end of polytheism far more effectively than did any imperial law or the closing of any temple.
Quote ID: 4081
Time Periods: 5
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 147/148
Section: 3A1,3A3
The system was not changed by such encounters. Ambrose ended his life disillusioned by his inability to control the unbridled avaritia, the land-grabbing and amassment of private fortunes, associated with the high officials in charge of taxation in northern Italy.{142} Preaching at Turin in the 400s, Bishop Maximus was no more optimistic. The “protection of the people” required the bishop to “raise his voice to a shout.”{143} Administrators and tax collectors were unimpressed. They turned up every Sunday, finely dressed for church. Behavior appropriate for a monk or clergyman, they said, was not to be demanded of a tax official.{144}It was, rather, on the local level, as “controller of crowds,” responsible for the peace of the cities, that the bishops consolidated the advantages that they had first gained at the end of the fourth century.
Quote ID: 4087
Time Periods: 45
Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
Peter Brown
Book ID: 183 Page: 149
Section: 4B,3A1
In a study of newly discovered inscriptions that record public acclamations at Aphrodisias in Caria, Charlotte Roueché has drawn attention to the increased tendency in the fifth century to use chanted slogans as a form of political and theological decision-making.{150} Such acclamations carried with them an aura of divinely inspired unanimity. In them, the crowd expressed a group parrhésia, tinged with supernatural certainty.
Quote ID: 4088
Time Periods: 5
Prince, The
Nicolo Machiavelli
Book ID: 361 Page: 39
Section: 1A,3A1
IT ONLY REMAINS NOW TO SPEAK OF ECCLESIASTICAL PRINCIPALITIES, TOUCHING which all difficulties are prior to getting possession, because they are acquired either by capacity or good fortune, and they can be held without either; for they are sustained by the ancient ordinances of religion, which are so all-powerful, and of such a character that the principalities may be held no matter how their princes behave and live. These princes alone have states and do not defend them; and they have subjects and do not rule them; and the states, although unguarded, are not taken from them, and the subjects, although not ruled, do not care, and they have neither the desire nor the ability to alienate themselves. Such principalities only are secure and happy. But being upheld by powers, to which the human mind cannot reach, I shall speak no more of them, because, being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the act of a presumptuous and rash man to discuss them.
Quote ID: 8183
Time Periods: 14567
Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and Charismatic in the Early Church
Henry Chadwick
Book ID: 378 Page: 61
Section: 3A1
…Hydatius and Ithacius, frustrated by the mildness of the council of Saragossa and infuriated by Priscillian’s election to be bishop of Avila, turned to the court of Gratian to obtain a rescript of repression against the Priscillianists.
Quote ID: 8261
Time Periods: 6
Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and Charismatic in the Early Church
Henry Chadwick
Book ID: 378 Page: 127
Section: 3A1
{2} See (e.g.) Ambrose, Ep. 82, for a case transferred by the emperor from a civil court to his arbitration; or canon 9 of Chalcedon, 451.
Quote ID: 8267
Time Periods: 4
Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and Charismatic in the Early Church
Henry Chadwick
Book ID: 378 Page: Preface
Section: 3A1,3A2A
In 385, he was tortured and executed by imperial order at Trier, the first, and in antiquity almost the only, heretic to suffer formal capital punishment from the secular arm.*John’s note: The ruler was motivated by need of churchmen support.*
Quote ID: 8248
Time Periods: 4
Religion and the American Civil War
Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, Charles Reagan Wilson (editors) with an afterword by James M. McP
Book ID: 186 Page: 30
Section: 3A1,3A4C
There were a few minutes who acted as prophets, reminding Americans of how far from God’s perfection human nations still were. But the link between God and Union victory was almost complete. When it came time to choose who ought to speak for the North, at ceremonies in Fort Sumter in April 1865 again raising the nation’s flag, Lincoln selected the nation’s most prominent minister, Henry Ward Beecher. The choice seemed right.
Quote ID: 4108
Time Periods: 7
Religious Toleration And Persecution In Ancient Rome
Simeon L. Guterman
Book ID: 187 Page: 12
Section: 3A1
And further on: “Even more categorically than the God of the Jews, the God of the Christians had no nation and did not suffer any other divinity at his side; the community of the Christians has never been a political community and the Christian was necessarily an apostate from polytheism.”{5}
Quote ID: 4114
Time Periods: ?
Religious Toleration And Persecution In Ancient Rome
Simeon L. Guterman
Book ID: 187 Page: 75
Section: 3A1,4B
A good deal of misunderstanding has come from regarding Judaism exclusively as a religion. {1} It was more than a religion in Judaea. It was, as students have described it, a “way of life.” It comprehended not only a fundamental law but a collection of regulations and practices that could only express themselves in a political sphere.
Quote ID: 4130
Time Periods: 01
Religious Toleration And Persecution In Ancient Rome
Simeon L. Guterman
Book ID: 187 Page: 76
Section: 3A1,4B
Not that the Jews did not retain part of their national system in the Greek cities of Asia Minor and in Egypt, for several of the Hellenistic monarchs guaranteed them an extensive autonomy in community affairs. {4} Even this, however, was impossible when the Diaspora reached Italy. For though Rome consented to maintain the status quo in the East,{5} she, nevertheless, demanded that the Judaism practiced by Roman citizens in Italy be shorn of national features.
Quote ID: 4131
Time Periods: 01
Religious Toleration And Persecution In Ancient Rome
Simeon L. Guterman
Book ID: 187 Page: 149
Section: 3A1,4B
It was probably because the synagogues had become illicita in the sense of disorderly that Tiberius and Claudius adopted restrictive measures against them. In the case of Tiberius, the measure reveals itself clearly as an administrative or police matter when taken together with other measures of a similar nature. Riots and agitation among the colleges led Tiberius to suppress the collegia.
Quote ID: 4134
Time Periods: 1
Religious Toleration And Persecution In Ancient Rome
Simeon L. Guterman
Book ID: 187 Page: 158/159
Section: 3A1,4B
The end of the ancient state coincides with the triumph of Christianity. The triumph of Christianity marks the close of the political and religious development of the classical civilization. The dichotomy between church and state which characterizes society since the fourth century makes its appearance in the last age of the Roman Empire. “Render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s,” is a rule which the ancient state knew not and could hardly acknowledge.. . . .
The close integration of the ancient gods with the classical community was of the essence of the life of the ancient civilization. When this link disappeared the vital part of the classical culture went with it.
Quote ID: 4135
Time Periods: 45
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 5
Section: 3A1
Christianity had re-created the unity of Europe on a spiritual level. This spiritual unity would, indeed, be fully realized, in the ensuing centuries, in a Latin Christendom dominated by the medieval papacy. But it would no longer be found, as in the glory days of Rome, in the creation of a single, civilized, political community.
Quote ID: 6690
Time Periods: 7
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 84
Section: 3A1,4B
The splendid late Roman villas, which dominated the countryside in every province of the western empire, spoke of a world restored. Their occupants – part landowners and part government servants – embraced the new order with enthusiasm. For them, conversion to Christianity was a conversion, above all, to the almost numinous majesty of a Roman Empire, now restored and protected by the One God of the Christians.
Quote ID: 6704
Time Periods: 67
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 205
Section: 3A1,4B
In 590, Gregory’s fate was sealed: he was made pope. “Under the pretext of becoming a bishop, I have been led back into the world.”….
Quote ID: 6713
Time Periods: 6
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 213
Section: 2C,3A1,3A3
The bishop of Salona (Solun, near Split) was the proud ruler of a “Roman” imperial enclave on the Dalmatian coast. He was a bishop of the old style. He justified his lavish banquet by an appeal to the hospitality of Abraham. Gregory was not amused.“In no way do you give attention to reading the scriptures, in no way are you vigilant to offer exhortation, rather, you ignore even the common norms of an ecclesiastical way of life.”
On his epitaph, Gregory was acclaimed as consul Dei, “God’s consul.”
Quote ID: 6717
Time Periods: 67
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 329
Section: 3A1,3A4C
This was Adomnan, a descendant of Columba’s kinsmen, who was abbot of Iona from 679 to 704. In his day, Adomnan was the greatest ecclesiastical politician of the northern world. He was one of the few early medieval churchmen who enjoyed sufficient authority to control warfare. In 700, he persuaded 51 kings and 40 churchmen to agree to the Cain Adomnain, Adomnan’s Law, an Ireland-wide Law of Innocents. The Law of Innocents protected women and clerics from the effects of intertribal violence. The ability to create such a law was a sign of the way in which Columba’s spiritual empire had worked its way deep into the fabric of political life in Ireland and beyond.
Quote ID: 6726
Time Periods: 7
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 329
Section: 3A1,4B
Adomnan’s Life of Columba marked the culmination of an age in which great monasteries and ambitious bishops had carved out for themselves extensive ecclesiastical “empires” in Ireland. In the process of empire-building, the monasteries had a distinct advantage. In a world without Roman towns, whose solid walls and long-established populations guaranteed the status of their bishops, great monasteries, such as Iona, were the few fixed points in an ever-changing landscape.
Quote ID: 6727
Time Periods: 67
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 330
Section: 2E3,3A1
In a land without large conglomerations of population, great monasteries were the nearest things to cities. Paradoxically, it was Christian poetry written in Irish that celebrated the pagan high places of Ireland. Many of these had ceased to function for centuries before the coming of Christianity. Only the outlines of their earthworks and the great burial mounds containing prehistoric passage graves survived. But the landscape was still charged with their mute presence. The glories of these places were now evoked, as if they had only recently passed away.….
The bishops and abbots who entered into this competition for the ecclesiastical equivalents of high kingship in Ireland were as intensely aware of their social status as were any of their near contemporaries, the aristocratic bishops of Gaul.
Quote ID: 6728
Time Periods: 7
Rise of Western Christendom, The
Peter Brown
Book ID: 265 Page: 338
Section: 3A1,3A4C
The earthly texture of much of the Old Testament provided Irish Christians with a mirror in which to see their own society more clearly. From the practice of polygamy to the flaunting of the heads of decapitated enemies, there was nothing that happened in “barbarian” Ireland that had not happened in the Old Testament. This meant, in effect, that the blessing of God might rest upon the ways of the Irish as it was known to have rested on the Chosen People of Israel, despite their rough ways. At the very least, the past customs of Ireland could be seen as “their” Old Testament: they were seen as practices suited to a period of preparation for the coming of the Gospels. At best, the existing laws of Ireland could be seen as bringing a touch of the majestic strangeness of ancient Israel into the present day. The classic statement of this view is contained in the great collection of Irish law, known as the Senchas Mar, “The Great (collection of) Tradition.” The “Great Tradition” was put together around A.D. 720. It marked the end of an epoch of extraordinary creativity. It declared the unity of an entire new Christian region. It was a code written for all lawyers in the entire Irish-speaking world. In size and comprehensiveness, no single legal compilation had appeared to equal it in western Europe since the Theodosian Code of 438. In it, the ancient laws of Ireland were brought into the Christian present, by being treated as if they were an adjunct to the Old Testament.
Quote ID: 6729
Time Periods: 7
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 9
Section: 3A1
During the several decades immediately preceding the first Jubilee, moreover, Rome has been the object of many popes’ urges to beautify their city and its holy places. As Rome’s governors, the popes bear the responsibility once carried by the pagan emperors for civic functions and edifices. In contrast to their imperial predecessors’ patronage of public works, the popes’ attention has been intended not merely to earn a place in the hearts of Rome’s citizens and histories but to secure entrance into heaven as well.
Quote ID: 4175
Time Periods: 7
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 14
Section: 3A1,3A3B
When, in 324, he founded Constantinople – a “new Rome” at the site of the Greek city of Byzantium on the Bosphorus – Constantine left a vacuum of temporal governance in the old city that popes gradually filled. Since the departure of the imperial court, the bishops of Rome have acquired not only the property but also, increasingly, the attributes and responsibilities that had been prerogatives of the city’s pagan rulers. By the sixth century, they had begun to act as chief city administrators.
Quote ID: 4176
Time Periods: 46
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 15/16
Section: 3A1
In the Basilica Constantiniana, the bishop’s throne was installed in the semicircular exedra where, in earlier structures, the emperor’s official seat had commonly been placed, and an altar was built before it,
Quote ID: 4178
Time Periods: 4
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 21
Section: 3A1
It is here, too, that the pope returns, acclaimed by his cardinals singing the Laudes (praises), until he pauses on an enormous porphyry disk at the foot of the main portal of the palace and ascends the grand staircase, also in imitation of imperial rite.
Quote ID: 4180
Time Periods: 7
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 21
Section: 2E1,3A1
Though disparate in subject, scale, and material, everything in this odd array shares two features: all of the objects refer in one way or another to the imperial might of ancient Rome, and none has ever been buried. Reasons to preserve and display these prizes from Rome’s patrimony have always been found.One group bears on the meting out of justice, a papal responsibility, that often takes place outside the Patriarchium. Signs of this function are difficult to overlook – a thief’s severed hand is tacked up on a wall, and an executed murderer’s charred corpse is visible in a corner of the square. The bronze she-wolf (fig. 14) set in the portico is emblematic of the pope’s juridical authority. In ancient times, the sculpture was revered as representing Lupa, who nurtured the legendary founders of Rome, the brothers Romulus and Remus.
Quote ID: 4182
Time Periods: ?
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 28
Section: 2E1,3A1
The most explicit emblems of temporal authority are the three papal thrones. Two of these – the second-century imperial thrones made of porphyry that are installed before the chapel of St. Sylvester within the Patriarchium – are not in public view, but a more modest, though still impressive, ancient white marble throne is to be seen in front of the basilica (fig. 24). Used during papal coronations, the inherited seats symbolize the new pontiff’s worldly power.
Quote ID: 4184
Time Periods: 27
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 33
Section: 2E1,3A1
But the painting modifies one important detail: the papal canopy is rendered as a flat awning supported by two porphyry and two green serpentine marble columns. This form was taken not from the actual cusped structure in which the pope appears but from ancient images of the emperor appearing in public, surrounded by court officials. As such, it is intended to signal Boniface’s earthly sovereignty.
Quote ID: 4185
Time Periods: 17
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 33
Section: 2E1,3A1
A striped parasol, which is another borrowing from imperial emblems and the ultimate sign of Boniface’s temporal authority.
Quote ID: 4186
Time Periods: 17
Rome 1300: On The Path of the Pilgrim
Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias
Book ID: 189 Page: 65
Section: 2E1,3A1
It is a solemn moment when the Acheropita, the Christ icon residing in the Sancta Santorum, is carried into the campus Lateranensis to the throng of pilgrims waiting there. Borne before Lupa, the great bronze equestrian, and the other trophies of the ancient empire assembled at the papal palace, the Acheropita vividly reminds the faithful that Christ is now ruler of Rome and that his vicar, the pope, governs a capital city made sacred by the Savior’s presence.
Quote ID: 4192
Time Periods: 017
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 36
Section: 3A1,4B
The Bishop of Rome, wielder of the authority of the princes of the apostles, and now being acknowledged as the prime pope or father of the Western Christian communities, with a vast moral authority in the East, was also head of a powerful and rich corporation, based on the endowments of emperors and the achievements of his predecessors. The senatorial class had, as it had attempted with paganism, assumed some right of patronage over the established religion. The churches of Rome had been founded by the first Christians among the senate in their private houses and named after their founders; their maintenance and that of the small domestic monasteries of the city was largely in their hands. They had also tried to place themselves squarely within the history and tradition of the dominant religion by utilizing the new legends of the saints that were now acquiring a wide popularity. So the account of the martyrdom of SS. Rufina and Secunda, and of St. Marius and his companions whose cults centred around Boccea, a few miles north of Rome, evidently appear to have been inspired by the pretensions of the family of Asterius Turcius, consul in 504; an ancestor figures as the magistrate presiding at the saints’ trials. Similarly the Anicii appear to have adopted into their family St. Melania, wife of Pinianus, .........
Quote ID: 4243
Time Periods: 167
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 85
Section: 3A1
Rome was under siege when the reigning Pope Benedict I, died, and his successor Pelagius II was elected without the customary imperial confirmation. The new pope, himself of Germanic origin, was a vigorous man who determined to find an end to the wars devastating Italy. Early in 580 he wrote to Bishop Aunacharius of Auxerre to negotiate a Frankish intervention: the Franks were ’the divinely appointed neighbors and helpers of this city’; ’we urge you to hasten, as far as you can, free from the pollution of the gentiles the shrines of those saints whose merits you seek.’ New ambassadors from the pope and the senate had already been sent to Tiberius, now reigning as Emperor; representing the pope was a former prefect of the City, and aristocrat who had become a monk, the deacon Gregory [PJ: next Pope, Gregory I].
Quote ID: 4291
Time Periods: 6
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 87
Section: 3A1,3F
Gregory was of an illustrious Roman family, perhaps connected with the Anicii, that for a century had served the city well in both civil and ecclesiastical office. His grandfather, Pope Felix III who had died in 492, was himself the son of priest Felix of the present SS. Nero et Achilleo, who had converted the temple of Romulus on the Via Sacra into a church dedicated to the Arabian doctors SS. Comas and Damian - the first Christian building in the old city, and the first dedication to non Roman saints.
Quote ID: 4294
Time Periods: 567
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 97
Section: 3A1,3A4C
Other charges pressed heavily upon the Church: Pope Gregory was forced to buy peace from Agilulf with 500 lb. in gold, and even to provide pay for the few scattered imperial garrisons in the towns of the west coast of Italy.
Quote ID: 4307
Time Periods: 6
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 107
Section: 3A1,3G
Pope Gregory established the pattern that the papacy was to retain in the succeeding centuries, shaping the Roman Church as the de facto authority of Italy in the provision of the essentials for Rome’s continuance, ready and able to supplement the imperial administration itself in the preservation of a Roman Italy. His reign also marks the spread and intensification of the influence of St. Peter and of the Roman See.
Quote ID: 4317
Time Periods: 6
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 110
Section: 3A1
These modes of entry and training tended to reinforce the corporate sense of the clergy who on several occasions were capable of closing their ranks to avoid any dilution of their unique status.
Quote ID: 4322
Time Periods: 6
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 124
Section: 2E1,3A1
Other expressions of the papacy’s sovereignty in the West were adopted in the latter part of the seventh century: the use of the phrygium or camelaucon, a tall white head-dress from which the tiara was to develop and which, in legend, had been accepted by Sylvester from Constantine I in lieu of a temporal crown which would obscure his clerical tonsure; the laudes, the acclamations from the people, adopted from the court ceremonial of appointment; and the service of the suburbicarian bishops in the Lateran.
Quote ID: 4329
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 130
Section: 2C,3A1
. . . the election of the pope. This was not yet confined to the clergy, but as the choice of their chief magistrate as well as spiritual father, was something in which the whole city, sometimes too vigorously, participated. First the death of the pope was formally announced to the emperor and exarch by the regents, the archpriest, archdeacon, and primicerius of the notaries; and following the election, a formal request was made for permission to consecrate.
Quote ID: 4332
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 131
Section: 2C,3A1,3A4C
At its most formal, the mode of election may best be seen in 769 when, following the usurpation of Constantine, the authorities were scrupulously legal in the election of Stephen III; the participants were the priests ’and all the clergy, the leaders of the army and the army itself, the more substantial of the citizens, and the general populace itself’.
Quote ID: 4333
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 166
Section: 3A1
Pope Gregory II condemned Iconoclasm, following the example of the patriarch of Constantinople. Leo wrote sternly to him, claiming an absolute power in both Church and State: ’I am both king and priest.’
Quote ID: 4348
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 168
Section: 3A1
In 729 Emperor Leo III took the final step heavy taxes that was equivalent to abandoning Rome and excluding it from the Empire.
Quote ID: 4349
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 168/169
Section: 3A1
The rebellions that broke out were as much in protest against these heavy taxes as against Iconoclasm, and Gregory, appalled by the inequity they involved, issued general instructions forbidding their payment. In reprisal and to buttress imperial authority where it could be maintained, Leo responded with a drastic confiscation of all the papacy’s holdings in Southern Italy and Sicily, then estimated at a value of 252,000 solidi, while Sicily and Illyricum, admittedly now predominantly Greek in complexion, were transferred from the Roman to the Constantinopolitan patriarchate.Since the first major endowments to the Roman Church by Constantine I these properties had provided the bulk of the papacy’s income [Sicily especially, oil, wine, wheat].
Quote ID: 4350
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 169
Section: 3A1,4B
But in practice and spirit Leo had cast Rome out of her Empire, and Sicily was to be a barrier rather than a channel for communication. The common tradition and continuity of the Roman towns was to survive, materially and politically, through the efforts of the papacy alone.
Quote ID: 4351
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 173
Section: 3A1
By the beginning of the seventh century Rome, the communis patria of the legal and political world, had ceased to exist.
Quote ID: 4352
Time Periods: 17
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 200
Section: 3A1
730s Gregory was only able to save it by paying subsidies to duke Transamund, Faroald’s son, but an indication of the increasing withdrawal from the concept of Empire was shown when Gregory ordered the redeemed town to be incorporated into the ‘holy republic and body of the beloved army of Christ’.
Quote ID: 4368
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 210/211
Section: 3A1
. . . Pepin’s answer, in which he swore to force full restitution of all Lombard conquests . . .But this promise of Pepin’s was, in the course of the following two generations, to be hardened in the mind of Lateran clergy until, as the Donation of Constantine, it was to be provided with a full historical and legal background to form the basis of papal government throughout the Middle Ages. In its fullest developed form, the Donation maintained that Constantine I, in return for his cure from leprosy by Pope Sylvester and for his baptism, had granted the pope the Lateran palace, wide estates and sovereignty over the whole Western Empire; the pope and his clergy were to receive the insignia of the imperial senate and court and Constantine himself withdrew from the West to his new capital named after him.
Quote ID: 4376
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 211
Section: 2C,3A1
On this occasion Stephen, who had repeated the anointing of Pepin and his two sons as kings of the Franks, conferred upon them a new title, that of Patrician of the Romans. This was strictly speaking a high grade of the Byzantine court nobility whose owners were normally invested by the Emperor with the insignia of their rank and acclaimed as patrician by the people. It had frequently been held by barbarian chiefs, as had other imperial honours; Odoacer and Theodoric had been patricians, Clovis of the Franks had received the insignia of consulship.
Quote ID: 4377
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 230
Section: 3A1
But while the nobility resented the papacy’s insistence on resuming full legal claims and a strict Roman legal system of government, they remained conscious and proud of their distinction as Romans and of their particular place in the old imperial city.
Quote ID: 4381
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 235
Section: 3A1
There on the steps of the apostolic hall, Pope Hadrian [PJ: d. 795] waited with his clergy; Charles approached him, kissing each step out of reverence for the apostle, and at the top embraced the pope.
Quote ID: 4385
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 247
Section: 3A1
Within four years of his election rebellion broke out. On 25th April 799 Leo left the Lateran for S. Lorenzo in Lucina to conduct the major litanies and, as the papal procession passed the monastery of SS. Sylvester and Stephen, it was attacked by two of Pope Hadrian’s nephews - Paschal and Campulus.Leo was thrown from his horse and dragged into the monastery; an attempt to blind him and cut out his tongue failed - possibly it was not wholehearted - and that night he was smuggled to the monastery of S. Erasmo on the Coelian where he was kept under guard. The conspirators did not put forward an anti-pope; it was Leo’s secular activities that they were determined to check. But Leo was rescued that night by the chamberlain Albinus . . . [Leo went West to Charles and returned with a strong escort.]
Quote ID: 4390
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 269
Section: 3A1
Leo IV continued his program of reform of the clerical life in the papal states. At the synod of 853 which deposed Anastasius he sought to withdraw the clergy from too close an involvement in secular life. Except to avoid injustice, and then only with episcopal assent, priests were not to act as witnesses or recognizers in secular business, nor could they act as advocates. The politician-bishops were reminded of their prime duties . . .
Quote ID: 4406
Time Periods: 7
Rome in the Dark Ages
Peter Llewellyn
Book ID: 191 Page: 273
Section: 3A1
c. 870 Anastasius . . . As papal librarian and secretary to Nicholas, he drafted the letters to patriarchs and kings that hammered home Nicholas’s conception of the Roman Church as the fount of all authority; in his program of translations of Greek spiritual writings, he made the Western world aware of the full extent of Christianity.
Quote ID: 4410
Time Periods: 7
Saints & Sinners: A History of the Popes
Eamon Duffy
Book ID: 194 Page: x
Section: 3A1
(Preface) In the flux of history, the papacy has been, not a mere spectator, but a major player. As the Roman empire collapsed, and the barbarian nations arose to fill the vacuum, the popes, in default of any other agency, set themselves to shape the destiny of the West, acting as midwives to the emergence of Europe, creating emperors, deposing monarchs for rebellion against the Church. Popes have divided the known and yet to be discovered world between colonial powers for the sake of peace, or have plunged nations and continents into war, hurling the Christian West against the Muslim East in the Crusades.
Quote ID: 4455
Time Periods: 47
Secret Archives of the Vatican, The
Maria Luisa Ambrosini & With Mary Willis
Book ID: 269 Page: 57
Section: 3A1,4B
The legalization of Christianity, and the fact that it had become the state religion, had brought into the church men of deep culture. The patristic writings have class; they make most of the religious writing of later periods look, in a literary sense, like trash. Cassiodorus realized that the Church was living on its intellectual capital, and that much of this capital had been inherited from the pagan world. He set his monks to copying both pagan and Christian manuscripts. (That is, the monks in the monastery of pleasant ponds and limpid baths; the ones in the ascetic monastery he left to their prayers.)PJ note: Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator (c. 485 – c. 585),[1] commonly known as Cassiodorus, was a Roman statesman and writer, serving in the administration of Theoderic the Great, king of the Ostrogoths. Senator was part of his surname, not his rank.
Quote ID: 6794
Time Periods: 6
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 8771
Time Periods: 14
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9767
Time Periods: 14
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9773
Time Periods: 14
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9788
Time Periods: 14
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 15
Section: 3A1,4B
9-393
We never had one magistrate who was
Both mild and clean of hand—such traits conflict.
The proud are pure while thieves are mannered mild.
States need both traits and hire both kinds of men.
Quote ID: 9873
Time Periods: 14
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 8774
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9770
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9776
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9791
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 30
Section: 4B,3A1
10-90
We Greeks{33} have been reduced to ashes—we
Have buried aspirations of the dead
In times when all is turned upon its head.
Quote ID: 9876
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 8775
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9771
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9777
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9792
Time Periods: 4
The Complete Palladas
Palladas. Translated by Harold A. Lloyd
Book ID: 433 Page: 31
Section: 4B,3A1
10-91
The person who would hate the man god loves
Commits of course the greatest foolishness
Since he thereby would fight the god himself.
One should instead embrace the man god loves
And not fall prey to envy’s senseless spite.
Quote ID: 9877
Time Periods: 4
Theodosius: The Empire at Bay
Stephen Williams, Gerard Friell
Book ID: 282 Page: 27
Section: 3A1
The traditional gods that had guided a small city on the Tiber to world empire had been largely displaced by the radically new religion of Christianity, whose bishops now cooperated with the state and increasingly resembled government officials.
Quote ID: 7062
Time Periods: 4
Theodosius: The Empire at Bay
Stephen Williams, Gerard Friell
Book ID: 282 Page: 52/53
Section: 3A1
In August Gratian, under the influence of Ambrose, took an important step towards legal persecution of heresies in the West, reversing his father’s more tolerant policies: all heresies were prohibited by law.Pastor John notes: John’s note: AD 379
Quote ID: 7099
Time Periods: 4
Theodosius: The Empire at Bay
Stephen Williams, Gerard Friell
Book ID: 282 Page: 136
Section: 1A,3A1,2B2,3D
Apart from the ending of the state cults, the progress of Christianity among the senatorial nobility of Rome was not, and could not have been, the result of any legislation. It required gradual and subtle compromise between the spirit of Christianity and classical culture - in effect, the Gospels rendered into Virgilian hexameters. We see this compromise again and again in the monumental art of the aristocracy –– the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, or the mosaic art of Christ as a Helios figure in the Mausoleum of the Julii, or even the frescoes in the Via Latina where scenes from the Bible and from pagan mythology are mixed. Christianity was gradually accepted, provided that it was polite, polished and accommodating of the verities of Hellenic civilization.{9}….
Even so, the change took several generations. It was certainly helped by mixed marriages, which the church decided to tolerate, at least amongst the upper nobility.
Quote ID: 7165
Time Periods: 45
Theodosius: The Empire at Bay
Stephen Williams, Gerard Friell
Book ID: 282 Page: 136/137
Section: 3A1,4B
Equally, the conversion to polite Christianity did not alter the secular prestige and traditions of the nobility, which continued well after the end of the Western empire. When the leading pagan Praetextatus died, the court, although Christian, did not hesitate to erect public statues to him. A generation after the death of Frigidus, the court even erected a statue to the pagan rebel Flavianus, commemorating his learning and public service.
Quote ID: 7167
Time Periods: 4
UK Statute Law Database: Submission of the Clergy Act 1533 (c. 19) Version 1 of 1 1533 c. 19 25_Hen_8, The
The Church Clergy
Book ID: 276 Page: 1
Section: 3A1,4B
Where the Kynges humble and obedyent subjectes the Clergy of this Realme of Englond have not only knowledged accordyng to the truthe that the Convocations of the same clergye is always hath byn and ought to be assembled only by the Kynges writt, but also submyttyng theym selfes to the Kynges Majestie hath promysed in verbo Sacerdocii that they wyll never frome hensforthe presume to attempte allege clayme or putt in ure or enacte promulge or execute any newe canons constitucions ordynaunce provynciall or other, or by what soo ever other name they shall be called in the convocacion, onles the Kynges most royall assente and licence may to theyme be had to make promulge and execute the same, and that hys Majestie doo geve hys most Ryall assente and auctorytie in that behalf: F1 . . .. . . .
I. They ne any of theym from hensforth shall presume to attempte allege clayme or put in ure any constitucions or ordynancis provynciall or Synodalles or any other canons, nor shall enacte promulge or execute any suche canons constitucions or ordynance provynciall, by what soo ever name or names they may be called in theire convocacions in tyme commyng, which alway shalbe assembled by auctorytie of the Kynges wrytte, onles the same Clergie may have the Kynges most Royal assent and lycence to make promulge and execute suche canons constitucions and ordynaunces provynciall or Synodall; uppon payne of every one of the seid Clergie doing contrary to this acte and being therof convyctte to suffer imprysonement and make fyne at the Kynges wyll.
Quote ID: 6949
Time Periods: 7
Unam Sanctum
Boniface VIII, The Bull Unam Sanctum (1302) Date accessed: 1-23-2020
Book ID: 298 Page: -
Section: 3A1
We therefore declare, say, and affirm that submission on the part of every man to the bishop of Rome is altogether necessary for his salvation.
Quote ID: 7488
Time Periods: 7
Unam Sanctum
Boniface VIII, The Bull Unam Sanctum (1302) Date accessed: 1-23-2020
Book ID: 298 Page: -
Section: 3A1
By the words of the gospel we are taught that the two swords, namely, the spiritual authority and the temporal, are in the power of the Church. For when the apostles said “Here are two swords” [Luke, xxii. 38]—that is, in the Church, since it was the apostles who were speaking— the Lord did not answer, “It is too much,” but “It is enough.” Whoever denies that the temporal sword is in the power of Peter does not properly understand the word of the Lord when He said: “Put up thy sword into the sheath” [John, xviii. 11]. Both swords, therefore, the spiritual and the temporal, are in the power of the Church. The former is to be used by the Church, the latter for the Church; the one by the hand of the priest, the other by the hand of kings and knights, but at the command and permission of the priest. Moreover, it is necessary for one sword to be under the other, and the temporal authority to be subjected to the spiritual; for the apostle says, “For there is no power but of God: and the powers that be are ordained of God” [Rom., xiii. 1];
Quote ID: 7489
Time Periods: 7
Unam Sanctum
Boniface VIII, The Bull Unam Sanctum (1302) Date accessed: 1-23-2020
Book ID: 298 Page: -
Section: 3A1
Thus the prophecy of Jeremiah{7} concerning the Church and the ecclesiastical{8} power is fulfilled: “See, I have this day set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant” [Jer., i. 10].
Quote ID: 7490
Time Periods: 7
Victory Of The Cross, The
Desmond O’Grady
Book ID: 278 Page: 67
Section: 3A1
The Roman imperial system. In the post-apostolic age, it was his model for a solid church structure as for effective evangelization.
Quote ID: 6982
Time Periods: 234
Victory Of The Cross, The
Desmond O’Grady
Book ID: 278 Page: 175
Section: 3A1,3C
Some of the legislation under Constantine shows obvious Christian influence, such as an ordinance forbidding branding of criminals’ faces, because “man is made in God’s image”. An ordinance allowing Christians to free slaves in a bishop’s presence merely extended a facility already available in pagan temples, but bishops were also allowed to arbitrate civil cases. It suggests that the Church was attracting men able to administer justice as least as well as State officials. An ordinance allowing people even on their deathbeds to bequeath whatever they liked to the Church was a favour not shared by Jewish or schisatic communities. Constantine compensated Christians for damages under the persecution, while a fixed proportion of provincial revenues was assigned to church charities.
Quote ID: 6997
Time Periods: 4
Victory Of The Cross, The
Desmond O’Grady
Book ID: 278 Page: 179
Section: 1A,3A1,4B
Forceful bishops such as Julius I (337-352), Damascus I (366-384), Innocent I (401-417), and Leo the Great (440-461) managed to take advantage of the new situation and prestige which still attached to Rome, [used this part] for you could take the capital out of Rome but not Rome out of the empire it had created. Not only did the church in Rome absorb some imperial administrative practices and terminology, such as “diocese”, but also, as the civil power dissolved, it took over functions such as relief work for the poor. However, it directed aid not only to Roman citizens, as had the pagans, but to all the needy. When the empire crumbled, Rome still provided a vestige of order for the invaders through the Church, which, on the whole and with a struggle, managed to avoid Caesaropapism.
Quote ID: 6998
Time Periods: 45
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 16
Section: 3A1
The reason for calling attention to all this material is of course to prepare for a later discussion of church councils. Their participant, it will be seen, behaved as they were all used to doing in secular decision-making groups or assemblies. Their rules and procedures developed along the lines of secular equivalents. But discussion of this can wait, perhaps, while one point in particular is stressed: the fact that acclamations did really function as votes.
Quote ID: 7260
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 17
Section: 2C,3A1,4B
The numbers of repetitions has been doubted, but the doubts removed by looking at accounts of other, only slightly less awe-full moments signalized by a 60-times repeated acclamation (this, for an emperor, naturally) or 23, 16, 26 . . . to a total of 159 times for successive salutes and hopes expressed in support of a mere priest. He was being appointed co-adjutor to his bishop in AD 426.
Quote ID: 7261
Time Periods: 5
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 19
Section: 3A1,3A2A
Nevertheless and inevitably, minorities made their appearance from time to time. They could prove stubborn, they might need steam-roller treatment, as an old hand at councils describes it--where “those who seek the truth with due care regarding some dispute should note that statements are often made by people in synods from partisan sympathy or opposition or sheer ignorance; yet no one pays attention to what is said by some minority but only by common agreement, as determined by all. If anyone chose to take seriously such contrary statements, as those people would have it, every synod would be found to contradict itself.” {26}Alternatively, minorities might be forced into the majority. Cyprian presiding at Carthage in the 250s speaks frankly of unanimity arrived at “not only by our united feelings but by threats.” {27}
Quote ID: 7262
Time Periods: 345
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 20
Section: 3A1,3A2A
In this and, for later discussion, in a good number of other instances of split councils, two common assumptions are evident: first, the participants acting as demos would exercise kratos (and some would win and some would lose); second, that universal endorsement of what the majority wanted was considered of such importance, it must be extorted if need be by plain force. The two assumptions were often in conflict.
Quote ID: 7264
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 57
Section: 3A1,3A2A
the phenomenon as a whole surpasses any other one can think of for historical significance over the course of the empire’s latter centuries. No aspect of economic history, of family or class or labor relations or mortality rates-- nothing brought such changes into people’s lives. It disrupted them not only by ending so many of them, once and for all, abruptly, but in other ways as well: through arson, wounds and injuries, displacement, losses of property, rioting, disorders, and deep abiding splits in communities.The whole matter has been quite ignored. Specialists tell us, “we know of only two occasions during the fourth century when tensions led to violence”--tensions of any sort, in Antioch. Only two secular occasions are instanced; yet the city in question was often torn apart by church disputes. Or again, “The commonest sort of factional disturbance in the late Empire . . . is the battle between partisans” at race tracks, and “the history of popular disturbances in the late Empire is in large measure the history of the Blues and Greens” (fan clubs). {2} In the face of the facts about quite another sort of violence, centered in charges of heresy and attested everywhere, the only response has been to wave it aside as the work of what in other contexts we are used to calling, dismissively, “outside agitators,” hirelings, thugs, and the like. And such bloody-minded people cannot have been Christains, for Heaven’s sake! {3}
Quote ID: 7272
Time Periods: 56
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 57/58
Section: 3A1,3A2A
While victims were killed in many strange ways, stabbed by styluses or burnt alive or trampled under foot, of course the most serious losses of life followed upon the use of cold steel. That mostly meant soldiers. They appear to have been stationed in every city of any size whatsoever, directly among its streets or in its suburbs. Thus there was never a problem in finding force, provided one had the authority, of one’s self, or influence over authority, to give the orders; and one could assume some friendless among the garrison rankers toward their own bishop. This is mentioned with relief by the rather anxious friends of such a person at Ephesus I. If the details of the connections are never made plain, still, a local commander would always be welcome at dinner parties among the elite, where the bishop would certainly be included. Power seeks out power.
Quote ID: 7273
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 60
Section: 3A1,3A2A
Besides, what of the tongues torn out of the mouths of bishops found to have uttered blasphemous opinions? and bishops worked to death by a sentence to the mines? {14} or scarred for life by the beatings they received, sometimes a judicial flogging, sometimes a blow from a sword that missed its mark ...There is a bishop Bassianus of Ephesus [PJ: d.after 451] describing the moment of forcible deposition by the partisans of his rival: {16}
Certain persons among the ranks of the priesthood along with others as well have done terrible things, forbidden by the laws. For, despising any fear of God and the power of Immaculate Mysteries which are received from the humble hands of myself, from a merciful God . . ., they suddenly seize me and tore me away of the holy church and beat me, struck me with their swords. . . . Afterwards [when the rival had been ordained] they inflicted death and grievous wounds on many of those attached to me, whose remains were left before the doors of God’s holy church.
Quote ID: 7274
Time Periods: 5
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 60/61
Section: 3A1
]a bishop did need friends, sometimes. He should make his face known to the local garrison, he should walk about the town, share his views with all. Especially through his church he should build a base of respect and support. By it, he could defy even imperial commands and forces; they flinched, they didn’t dare face the size and anger of the crowds. Many surprising retreats could be instanced. {17}
Quote ID: 7275
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 65
Section: 3A1,3A2A
Bishops etc. were indeed successful in generating the strongest feelings, capable of breaking all restraints and challenging all authority. The result was those deaths with which the present chapter began. Their total indicates the desperate seriousness of doctrinal disease, call it, which so repeatedly afflicted the empire’s towns and cities. Deaths, yes, the most dramatic; but another symptom was the physical destruction that went with it. Arson was generally the cause but by no means the only one. {27} The target might be a residence, a monastery, a church, or whole sections of some town.Everyone would be drawn into it, in scenes familiar from previous pages. To recall them, this last: “Troops with their swords occupied the church and ranged about everywhere in the building. Confronting them, a thoroughly aroused populace. . . . The streets outside were crammed, the avenues and the squares, every place, and from second- and third-story windows the young and old, men and women, craned down.” {29}
A crime problem, as we would say today, but a crime problem afflicting half the empire. The emperors could hardly close their eyes and ears to it; by its victims they were constantly reminded of it and of their own responsibilities, too. However, in their view much more was involved than crime. God’s anger showed. Their realm and reign together were under threat of destruction, and heresy was to blame.
To control it, public discussion could be forbidden. Laws to this effect have been cited, above. The burning of theological tracts or the minutes of misguided councils, ceremoniously in public squares, were good measures, and much resorted to from Constantine on through the period of my study.
Quote ID: 7277
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 65/66
Section: 3A1
“Everyone’s decision is for sale,” for gold, toi chrysoi.In illustration, we have a letter with particularly striking figures in it. It shows that something above 200,000 gold coins, at a time when a man could live several months on one such, had been paid into the inner circle of the emperor to retrieve the throne for a deposed bishop, no less than Cyril of Alexandria.
Quote ID: 7278
Time Periods: 5
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 66
Section: 3A1
His agent referred to them as “blessing” and “eulogies”, two of the many euphemisms current to the period.And to make conclusions more obvious, there at councils, enthroned up front, were the emperor’s men flanked by great metropolitians--the latter with gold to offer by the ton.
Quote ID: 7279
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 68
Section: 3A1
the historian Socrates, explaining that the bishop of a certain city “was especially powerful at this time because that was where the emperor was resident.” {4} The connection didn’t have to be explained. ...This much and no more is said here on very large, complicated subjects, only to introduce the word ecumenical. ...
As, for example, at Ephesus I. The party of the Alexandrian bishop met by itself but claimed to be doing so as a synod in obedience to the emperor’s summons, which underlay the claim then to be ecumenical ...
The determinant of ecumenicity was imperial initiative, which in practice meant Constantinople. Given the realities of power, armed if needed, no other view could prevail. Yet an additional factor of inclusiveness did have much weight.
Quote ID: 7280
Time Periods: 5
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 69
Section: 3A1,4B
Wherever there were two minds about a theological question, those two could talk it out between them. If the conversation didn’t degenerate into a shouting match, the course of it would follow reason. ...When, however, two minds explained themselves to a huge audience whom they could reach only by catch-words, slogans, and name-calling, then a merely social element could determine the winner. The winner won by insisting that “everyone” believed this or that--everyone who was someone.
It was accordingly sought out all the time. To my knowledge, no one has studied the flow of ecclesiastical business into court circles. . .
Quote ID: 7281
Time Periods: 456
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 71
Section: 3A1
Those hundreds of sees at stake recall the hundreds of thousands of gold coins lavished by the Alexandrian bishop on his own interests at court, in turn to affect the hundred sees subordinate to him. He had been aware of the many persons who actually had or alleged their influence over important decisions, and who stretched out a hand to receive, not to give; or not to give until they had received. ...The outcome of a church council could be determined by having the right connections in the capital, as a bishop of a small see reports rather bitterly about his adversaries: “they won over the people of the imperial court and everyone else of chief influence and so could turn to their business from a position of great superiority. They themselves were both prosecutors and jurors and executioners and everything they chose.” {10}
Quote ID: 7282
Time Periods: 4567
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 72
Section: 3A1,3D
In AD 410 the process was indicated for the Carthage council of the following year. Get to power and bend it to your truth --which need not be everyone’s truth.We have information about another juncture with an equally successful outcome, a generation earlier (AD 381). The bishop second in authority in Italy, perhaps in the west, was Ambrose in Milan. ...
Ambrose has thus narrowed the thing to a size he could totally control. Most of the bishops attending were subordinate to him; most, perhaps all, owed their past or future careers to his favor. It only remains unclear, whether his plan required him to have deceived the emperor or whether he and the emperor together joined in deceiving Palladius. The first explanation seems the most likely, given the evidence for such deception being tried and succeeding at other times. Absolute monarchs, walled in as they are, must submit to being misinformed so long as they insist on being absolute. {13}
Quote ID: 7283
Time Periods: 45
Voting about God in Early Church Councils
Ramsay MacMullen
Book ID: 285 Page: 82
Section: 3A1
Councils of particular interest, those twenty-face identified earlier as emperor-summoned, were adversarial affairs. They pitted personal ambitions and ideas about the Trinity against each other, each with their champions, each with their convictions, each louder than the other to prevail. At Constantinople in 381, the so-called second ecumenical, the man in the president’s chair heard and later recalled how“those very bishops that trumpet peace to all, in their calls to the cathedral nave, raged savagely against each other and as they shouted, gathering their allies, accused and were accused, and jumped about and almost out of their skins, seizing on anyone they could get to first, in a wild contest for supremacy and sole control. . .” {14}
Quote ID: 7287
Time Periods: 4
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 15/16
Section: 3A1,4B
The chief aim of this book is to understand the connection between the religious organizations and the social environment of the medieval church.. . . .
Church and society were one, and neither could be changed without the other undergoing a similar transformation.
Quote ID: 7288
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 18
Section: 2A1,3A1
The problem of determining how someone becomes a committed member of a political community was one which gave much trouble to the theorists of the early modern state. But it was the easiest of all problems for the theorists of the medieval church-state, for the answer lay ready to hand in baptism. In baptism the godparents made certain promises on behalf of the child which bound him legally for life. From a social point of view a contractual relationship was established between the infant and the church from which there was no receding. For the vast majority of members of the church, baptism was as involuntary as birth, and it carried with it obligations as binding and permanent as birth into a modern state, with the further provision that the obligations attached to baptism could in no circumstances be renounced.
Quote ID: 7290
Time Periods: 67
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 18
Section: 3A1,4B
In this extensive sense the medieval church was a state. It had all the apparatus of the state; laws and law courts, taxes and tax-collectors, a great administrative machine, power of life and death over the citizens of Christendom and their enemies within and without. It was the state at its highest power.
Quote ID: 7291
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 22
Section: 3A1,4B
Not only all political activity, but all learning and thought were functions of the church.
Quote ID: 7294
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 24
Section: 3A1,4B
The Middle Ages may be defined as the period in western European history when the church could reasonably claim to be the one true state, and when men (however much they might differ about the nature of ecclesiastical and secular power) acted on the assumption that the church had an overriding political authority.
Quote ID: 7295
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 24
Section: 3A1,4B
The dominating ideal in the rebuilding was that the unitary authority of the Empire should be replaced by the unitary authority of the papacy. Hobbes’s gibe about the papacy being the ghost of the Roman Empire sitting crowned upon the grave thereof has a greater truth than he realized.
Quote ID: 7296
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 25
Section: 3A1
It is not absurd to say that the Roman Empire achieved its fullest development in the thirteenth century with Innocent IV playing Caesar to Frederick II’s Pompey.. . . .
During the whole medieval period there was in Rome a single spiritual and temporal authority exercising powers which in the end exceeded those that had ever lain within the grasp of a Roman Emperor.
Quote ID: 7297
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 26
Section: 3A1
For the whole of this period – from the age of Bede to that of Luther, from the effective replacement of imperial by papal authority in the West in the eighth century to the fragmentation of that authority in the sixteenth, from the cutting of the political ties between eastern and western Europe to Europe’s breaking out into the wider western world beyond the seas – the papacy is the dominant institution in western Europe.
Quote ID: 7298
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 50
Section: 3A1
The weight of established institutions was overwhelming; it could not be shifted without a vast upheaval; and this was a prospect which every ruler in the fourteenth century came to dread.
Quote ID: 7302
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 50
Section: 3A1,4B
The greatest strength of papal government in the fourteenth century was that it had lost most of its teeth. It threatened no one. On the other hand, the ecclesiastical hierarchy could not be seriously attacked without a threat to the whole social order.
Quote ID: 7303
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 99
Section: 3A1
Indeed it is evident that the idea of a western empire as a means of extending papal authority was a mistake from beginning to end. It was a mistake primarily because in creating an emperor, the pope created not a deputy, but a rival or even a master.
Quote ID: 7305
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 99
Section: 3A1
the empire, which Pope Leo III had rashly created for this purpose on Christmas Day 800. This action was the greatest mistake the medieval popes ever made in their efforts to translate theory into practice.
Quote ID: 7306
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 102
Section: 3A1
There are no words which convey the spirit of the medieval papacy so brilliantly as the trenchant statements of the papal position inserted in the volume of Gregory VII’s letters, probably on the instructions of the pope himself. Among these statements we find the following:the pope can be judged by no one;
the Roman church has never erred and never will err till the end of time;
he can depose emperors;
he can absolve subjects from their allegiances;
all princes should kiss his feet;
Quote ID: 7307
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 121
Section: 3A1
Yet, when every allowance has been made, we may still say that the papal machinery of government was as effective as any government could be before the late nineteenth century. The papal curia of the thirteenth century was, by any standards that were applicable before the days of modern mechanical aids and salaried officials, a large and efficient organization.. . . .
At most times, there were probably well over a hundred experts at the papal court engaged in legal work. Every important ecclesiastical and secular person or corporation in Europe had to be familiar with the procedure of the papal curia, and the most important had proctors permanently retained to look after their interests in the labyrinth of papal government.
Quote ID: 7309
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 125
Section: 3A1
Throughout western Europe the papal directives flowed with smooth efficiency and were received with a remarkable absence of opposition. In this area at least, Gregory VIII’s dream of papal authority seemed to have come true.
Quote ID: 7310
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 131/132
Section: 3A1
There is one fact which more than any other sums up this period of papal history: every notable pope from 1159 to 1303 was a lawyer. This fact reflects the papacy’s preeminent concern with the formulation and enforcement of law. It was here that the papal position was strongest. At a time when the tradition of ancient law and government had been almost completely obliterated in Europe, the popes retained the elements of a legal system on which they could build.
Quote ID: 7311
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 137
Section: 3A1
by the end of the thirteenth century they were being granted to secular rulers for political reasons.Soon, by a further extension of the papal clemency, individuals began to be able to buy the privilege of receiving a plenary indulgence from their confessors at the moment of death.
Quote ID: 7313
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 139
Section: 3A1
Once the bottomless treasure had been opened up there could be no restraining its distribution.
Quote ID: 7314
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 155
Section: 3A1
The exclusive right of the cardinals to elect a pope was established by a decree of Pope Nicholas II in 1059.
Quote ID: 7315
Time Periods: 7
Western Society And The Church In The Middle Ages
R. W. Southern
Book ID: 286 Page: 159
Section: 3A1
Here then, as in many other ways, the situation at the end of the Middle Ages tended – though with much greater complication and political awareness – to approximate to the situation at the beginning. The secular ruler became the residuary legatee of ecclesiastical power.
Quote ID: 7316
Time Periods: 7
Why Rome Fell
Edward Lucas White
Book ID: 343 Page: 175
Section: 3A1,4B
In 133 B.C. Attalus III, King of Pergamum in western Asia Minor, died, leaving no heirs. He bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman Commonwealth on the ground that his people would be better off as subjects of Rome than if independent, and were certain to be better governed than they could hope to be by any native of his realm.Thirty-seven years later, in 96 B.C., Ptolemy Apion. King of Cyrene in north Africa, on the coast of the Mediterranean west of Egypt, made a will of like tenure.
And in 74 B.C., fifty-nine years after the death of Attalus and twenty-two after the death of Ptolemy Apion, Nicomedes Philopator, King of Bithynia in northwestern Asia Minor, did precisely what Attalus and Ptolemy had done, and for like reasons.
Quote ID: 7941
Time Periods: 0
Why Rome Fell
Edward Lucas White
Book ID: 343 Page: 175/176
Section: 3A1,4B
In fact, in general, A Roman provincial governor was a marvel and prodigy to alien races and peoples. They were used to government by caprice of an individual despot or of the leaders of a dominant oligarchy. A Roman proconsul or proprætor was a novelty, was a ruler of a kind of which they could not have conceived, was a portent.
Quote ID: 7942
Time Periods: 012
Why Rome Fell
Edward Lucas White
Book ID: 343 Page: 177
Section: 3A1,4B
Throughout the more than three and a quarter centuries between A.D. 43 and A.D. 375 the Romans maintained peace and created and conserved prosperity from the Euphrates to Anglesea, from the Rhine, Danube, and Caucasus to the Cataracts of the Nile.They had brought about peace over most of this vast expanse of territory as early as 61 B.C. and they protected much of it until as late as A.D. 442, when the Vandal’s war fleet swept the Mediterranean and ended maritime traffic.
Quote ID: 7943
Time Periods: 01234
Why Rome Fell
Edward Lucas White
Book ID: 343 Page: 181
Section: 3A1,4B
…much has been written about the despotism of the Roman Emperors and little about the genuine freedom of most of their subjects.During the six hundred years of its domination, the Roman Senate enacted fewer than two hundred laws affecting personal conduct and behavior.
Quote ID: 7945
Time Periods: 0123
Why Rome Fell
Edward Lucas White
Book ID: 343 Page: 191
Section: 3A1
…the preponderant factor among those which brought about Rome’s progress, invincibility, grandeur, and supremacy was the religion of the Romans and its relation to their scheme of government and of their government to their religion. That was what made the Romans’ miraculous achievements possible and actual.
Quote ID: 7948
Time Periods: 012347
Witch Hunts in the Western World
Brian A. Pavlac
Book ID: 287 Page: 36
Section: 3A1
By the twelfth century, though, Roman law codes began to be reintegrated into the legal jumble that had followed the destruction of Rome. Protolawyers were impressed with the organization and argumentation behind the Roman law codified in the Corpus Iuris Civilis, the last great Roman law code, collected in the sixth century by Emperor Justinian. They reintroduced Roman methods.
Quote ID: 7328
Time Periods: 67
End of quotes