Ante-Pacem Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine
Graydon F. Snyder
Number of quotes: 39
Book ID: 25 Page: 2
Section: 2E6,4B
The next critical point comes about 180 C.E. A Christian faith with a suspended view of culture began to be visible as a new culture. It began to produce symbols and language that could be designated Christian. This is not to say there was no Christian culture prior to 180 C.E. It is only to say that the nascent Christian culture either was not yet distinguishable from society in general, or the first Christians lacked sufficient self identity to establish or itself symbols, language, art and architecture. From the beginning there had to have been social practices peculiar to the life of the first Christians.
Quote ID: 444
Time Periods: 2
Book ID: 25 Page: 3
Section: 2D3B,2E6
The scarcity of data prior to Constantine can be explained in several ways. Christian people of the first two centuries did indeed leave us material remains, and archaeologists have likely unearthed them. They simply cannot be distinguished from the non-Christian culture. Christians were indeed acting sociologically and economically, but not recording that activity in ways we can recognize it. As we indicated, that began to alter about 180 C.E. We can find material remains from that time—symbols, art, letters, funerary practices and some built forms. It took about 130 years after Paul universalized Judaism for a distinctly Christian culture to appear. However, not all scholars assume chronological development was the major factor in the appearance of Christian culture. Rodney Stark assumes a much smaller number of Christians than others. The Christian community was simply too few in number to produce a visible culture. In quite a different way, Finney argues that it took that time to establish artisans who could express symbols and pictures different from what they were accustomed. {i}
Quote ID: 445
Time Periods: 2
Book ID: 25 Page: 3
Section: 3C
The third critical point in the history of early Christianity occurred when Christianity was thrust into the role of religion of the empire. This shift set the stage for the eventual development of a formal Christianity we call orthodoxy.
Quote ID: 446
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 18
Section: 2A3
Some elements of the social matrix are being adapted by the great tradition.Example: the Greco-Roman meal for the dead became the feast of the martyrs.
Quote ID: 448
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 31
Section: 2E6
Without using Clement as a final interpreter, his famous statement should be obvious at this point:Let our seals be the dove, or the fish, or a ship sailing before a fair wind, or the lyre for music, which seal Polycrates used, or a ship’s anchor, which Seleucus carved on his device, and if there be a fisherman, he will recall an apostle and children drawn from the water (paed. 3, 11).
Quote ID: 449
Time Periods: 2
Book ID: 25 Page: 60
Section: 2A1,2E1
Like the Orante and criophorus, the sign of the cross has been a symbol of great antiquity, present in nearly every known culture. Its meaning has eluded anthropologists, though its use in funerary art could well point to a defense against evil. On the other hand, the famous crux ansata of Egypt, depicted coming from the mouth, must refer to life or breath. The universal use of the sign of the cross makes more poignant the striking lack of crosses in early Christian art scenes, especially any specific reference to the event on Golgotha. Why was the universal cross symbol not redefined in early Christian art? The cross symbol, as an artistic reference to the passion event, cannot be found prior to the time of Constantine.
Quote ID: 450
Time Periods: 01234
Book ID: 25 Page: 62
Section: 2E6
One ought not deny the existence of these common cross signs in the Mediterranean area, nor reference to them by early Christian writers, but they have no demonstrable connection with the crucifixion of Jesus. Tzaferis finds no Christian crosses in Palestine before mid-fourth century. As for Roman-style Christian art that implication first appears at the earliest in the late fourth and certainly by the fifth.
Quote ID: 451
Time Periods: 45
Book ID: 25 Page: 128
Section: 2E3
Early Christians undoubtedly met in private homes (Colossians 4:15; White, I, 103-10, Reumann, 109), though it should not be forgotten that Christians, like the Jews (Acts 16:13), also met in open places (Pliny, Letters, 117), markets, and hired halls (Acts 20:8). There is neither literary evidence nor archaeological indication that any house church was converted into an extant church building. Nor is there any extant church or basilica that certainly was built prior to Constantine (White, I, 3-10). Consequently, we have no evidence regarding the intentional builtform of a Christian meeting place prior to the “peace”. There were homes that were restructured to accommodate the Christian assembly (White, I, 111-123).. . . .
It is amazing that we do not have more remains of such house churches. In reality, we probably do have the remains of such house churches but cannot recognize them. As it now stands we have only one edifice we can confidently categorize as a pre-Constantinian domus ecclesiae, the church at Dura-Europos.
Quote ID: 452
Time Periods: 123
Book ID: 25 Page: 129
Section: 2E3
In 1928 Dura-Europos was excavated by the French Academy of Inscriptions and Letters and by Yale University. In the first report involving the Christian building, the report of the 1930-1931 season, the field director mentioned an “edifice of Tower 17.” In the 1932 the pictorial nature of the Baptistery made it clear that a domus ecclesiae had been discovered.. . . .
. . .it is one of a kind.
The excavators of the Christian church have reported finding three stages of development on the site: an earlier dwelling, a private house, and the house adapted for use as a domus ecclesiae. Since the private house itself shows no history as a location for Christian activities, ….
Quote ID: 453
Time Periods: 234
Book ID: 25 Page: 131/132
Section: 2E3
If one accepts the graffito (#10 in the collection, p. 264) found on the first layer of plaster in room 4 as the date of the building of the house, then sometime between 232-233 and 256 the house was converted or adapted for use as a Christian meeting place.Pastor John’s note: even to date this house, one has to rely on graffiti!
Quote ID: 454
Time Periods: 3
Book ID: 25 Page: 133
Section: 2E3
. . .the small, irregular room of the female servant {6} was totally transformed to become the baptistery.
Quote ID: 455
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 191
Section: 2B,2B2
Their difficult work took ten years, after which they reported their finds in the famous Esplorazioni of 1951. The following description follows their findings rather closely.The excavators found an extensive Roman necropolis under the Constantinian floor of St. Peter’s (fig. 36). Though the mausolea there are among the finest of their kind ever uncovered, there were basically no signs of Christianity. However, two exceptions should be noted. As indicated under mosaics (see above, p. 73), Mausoleum M contained the only certain pre-Constantinian Christian mosaic, that of Christ Helios. In addition, there were patterns for Jonah Cast out of the Boat and for the Fisherman. Guarducci would argue for late Christian burials in Tomb H, where she discovered an inscription with a petition to Peter and a reference to Christ or Christians. Her thesis has not been widely accepted (see under inscriptions, pp. 260-61; Fig 49).
Quote ID: 456
Time Periods: 34
Book ID: 25 Page: 199/200
Section: 2E3
If there had been a cult of Peter at the Vatican one would also expect that the graves of Christians would have been assembled around the aedicule. As can be seen in figure 42, there were a number of graves in Campo P. Not one shows signs of a Christian burial. On the other hand if they were of the second century, there would have been no distinctive signs or symbols available!. . . .
Kirshbaum was at first convinced that the bones discovered under the wall at N{1} were those of Peter. They had been gathered there during the construction of the Red Wall. Some reports, as well as his own, still carry this thesis, but anatomical analysis indicates that the bones were those of a young woman. In summary, there was no grave of Peter at the aedicule and none of the graves there appear to us to be Christian.
Quote ID: 457
Time Periods: 34
Book ID: 25 Page: 202
Section: 2A3
…in 64 C.E. there was no interest in martyrs.
Quote ID: 458
Time Periods: 1
Book ID: 25 Page: 205/206
Section: 2A1
In his rather exhaustive list of early Christian baptisteries, Khatchatrian lists only eight that might have been constructed prior to Constantine. Of these only the baptistery at Dura-Europos can with assurance be identified as third century.. . . .
Even though only the baptistery at Dura can be considered pre-Constantinian (see above, p. 134), it would be useful at least to consider the architectural form of some possible third-century baptisteries.
Quote ID: 459
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 215
Section: 2E6
It is striking that, like art and architecture, the first Christian inscriptions in Rome occur at the beginning of the third century. Dated inscriptions 1-4 could be Christian, but, like second century art, are not distinguishable from their non-Christian counterparts. It could be that only a few people in 217 could have seen that the sarcophagus of Prosenes was “different.” One must reflect seriously on the tentative Christian nature of this early third-century inscription, because several decades earlier Phrygian inscriptions were quite explicit in their Christianity.
Quote ID: 460
Time Periods: 0123
Book ID: 25 Page: 216
Section: 2C
Since there is no mention of ecclesiastical offices in other third-century inscriptions and essentially no mention of them in third-century letters, one must ask why it occurs with these bishops of Rome. It seems more than coincidental that the bishops connected with the Crypt of the Popes are primarily those who held office during the era of Hippolytus and suffered his scorn.
Quote ID: 461
Time Periods: 34
Book ID: 25 Page: 217
Section: 2C
We know that the struggle between church and cemetery, bishop and martyr, became an intense issue in the fourth century. In fact, the key moment for the formation of orthodoxy as we know it was the narrow victory of Damasus, the church candidate, over his cemetery opponent, Ursinus. It was Damasus who extolled the popes and “made” of them martyrs. That shift was caused by Hippolytus, who favored the kind of rigidity that led to martyrdom, vis-`-vis Callistus, who apparently favored accommodation. The Crypt of the Popes marks the effort of the accommodating party to move into martyr territory. It would not be the last time that ecclesiastical leaders were elevated to sainthood within the growing Christian cult of the dead. {i}
Quote ID: 462
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 233
Section: 2C
In contrast with some third-century literature (Acts of Paul), a religious order of virgins does not occur in our pre-Constantinian archaeological data.
Quote ID: 466
Time Periods: 3
Book ID: 25 Page: 248
Section: 2A3
Let everyone in harmony who understands this pray for Abercius.Pastor John’s note: prayers for the dead
Quote ID: 467
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 249
Section: 2A3
The date of the Alexander epitaph almost certainly forces this inscription back to the beginning of the third century or earlier.
Quote ID: 468
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 251/258
Section: 2A3
Styger has assembled all the graffiti found on the walls of the triclia under S. Sebastiano. They were scribbled there by Christians who came to celebrate the death date of family members and friends, as well as the presence of the two martyrs Peter and Paul. The prayers often call upon assistance of Peter and Paul.Pastor John notes: John’s note: funeral inscriptions. Note the prayers to dead saints
. . . .
Inscription N
A.….
Paul and Peter pray
for Victor.
D….
Peter and
Paul pro-
tect
[your] servants;
holy
Spirits, protect
a refrigerium
F….
Paul and Peter
pray for Nativus
always.
G….
Paul, Peter keep in
mind Sozomenus,
and you who peruse (this).
H….
Peter and Paul
come to the aid of Primitivos,
a sinner.
I….
Our Lord,
send me
(one) of the martyrs
…Ilucunisio
J….
Paul and Peter
in mind have us
all.
M….
Peter and Paul
keep us in mind
N….
Peter and Paul keep in mind
Primus and Prima his wife
and Saturnina the wife of his first son (XP)
and Victorinus his father in Christ
always forever and….
. . . .
If the date of graffito L should be established as A.D. 260, then we have a minimum period of use from 260 to 320. In our discussion of S. Sebastiano (see pp. 180-189), we set the dates 250 to 345 as the likely maximum dates of usage for the triclia.
More than any other evidence, these graffiti document the fact of and characteristics of a large cult of the dead in early Christianity. Since the discovery of the triclia, historians have been more observant of and attuned toward the practices of the local Christian. In the representative graffiti we see that a meal was eaten either with (I) or for (C) the special dead. Meals (refrigeria) obviously were eaten for and with the family dead (Parthenius in E and Celerinus in L). Whether such meals always included Peter and Paul cannot be easily determined, but they often did (K). In addition to the meals, the celebrants of the Agape left us copies of their prayers. In these they asked Peter and Paul to pray for the family dead (A, F, M), or more often to “keep in mind” the dead (B, G, K, M, N,), and those holding the refrigerium (J). There were other prayers. In D they asked Peter and Paul, holy spirits, to protect them. In H Primitivos asked for them to aid him, for he was a sinner. Presumably the celebrants in both these cases have offered a refrigerium for Peter and Paul rather than the family dead.
The assumption that the presence or daemon (psyche) of the special dead remained near the place of burial ran strongly through the Greco-Roman world. This presence served not only as a rallying point for community formation (eating and praying with each other and extended families), but also as a means of intervention with the deity. The graffiti on the walls of the triclia and the spring point to a religious perception popular throughout the Greco-Roman culture that was adapted to Christian special dead and possibly Christian liturgical language.
Quote ID: 469
Time Periods: 34
Book ID: 25 Page: 267
Section: 2C
Of the thousands of papyri discovered in Egypt, many are Christian. The same problem of identification exists here, however, as it did in Rome: When and how did Christians begin to indicate they were Christian?
Quote ID: 470
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 284/285
Section: 2C
CC. LETTER OF RECOMMENDATION TO MAXIMUSThird Century
. . . .
Translation: Greetings in the Lord
beloved brother
…Maximos
….I salute you.
Our brother
Diphilos coming
to you, receive
in peace, through whom you
and those with you,
I and those with me
salute.
For your health
I pray,
beloved
brother in the Lord.
This is our only letter from one congregation to another, that is, from an official of one faith community to an official of another on behalf of a person moving from one to the other.
Quote ID: 472
Time Periods: 3
Book ID: 25 Page: 288
Section: 2C
B. RECORD OF INVESTIGATION259-260; Oxyrhynchus
A letter sent from the Saite nome from an Aurelius Herme to Aelius Gordi[anus] asking that an investigation of χριστιανοί be conducted. This would appear to be the earliest extant document requiring such an action.
Quote ID: 473
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 288/289
Section: 2E3
D. LIST OF BUILDINGS298-341; Panopolis
Edition: P Gen inv. 108
In the list of buildings of Panopolis, there is a οἰκία ἢτοι ἐκκλισία[ς?] (column d, line 11), which could very likely be a house church. Church professions are also listed for the house owners. At the time of this document, house churches could have been publicly recognized as such.
Quote ID: 474
Time Periods: 34
Book ID: 25 Page: 289
Section: 2E3
A certain Aurelius Ammonius made a declaration of possessions for the ἐκκλησία (a church building, not a faith community). He certified under oath that the church possessed “neither gold nor silver nor money nor clothes nor beasts nor slaves nor lands nor property either from grants or bequests” except for a bronze gate that had been delivered for shipment to Alexandria. One would assume the list consists of standard items the officials expected to find in a church. If so, the poverty reflected in the declaration would not necessarily be normal.
Quote ID: 475
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 295
Section: 1A
. . .a Christian culture began to appear at approximately the end of the second century.. . . .
We need not worry about such individual manifestations. To be sure there may be a few crosses in a private tomb in Palestine, or there may be Christian evidences in Pompeii or Herculaneum. The presence of these unique items cannot greatly alter the general impression that the so-called Christian culture became visible about 180.
Quote ID: 476
Time Periods: 2
Book ID: 25 Page: 296
Section: 1A
. . .but it was the rapid accommodation to and alteration of the Roman culture that enabled Christianity to become a universally practiced religion.
Quote ID: 477
Time Periods: 2
Book ID: 25 Page: 297
Section: 1A
Because of our methodological orientation, we can see that both assimilation and differentiation occurred at the same time. A.D. 180 was the date at which the Christian subculture was willing to say to the majority culture that it existed and had a right to exist. Because of that courage, we now may see how the early Christians assimilated symbols and practices from the Roman world to create its own discreet cultural characteristics. From about A.D. 180 to A.D. 313 the early Christian Church gave to the Mediterranean world a religious alternative of considerable depth—an alternative expressed in activities and symbols that were readily understood by the Roman culture. This, then, was the period of greatest growth for the early Church.
Quote ID: 478
Time Periods: 23
Book ID: 25 Page: 298
Section: 2A3
Two other observations are important: from 180 to 400 artistic analogies of self-giving, suffering, sacrifice, or incarnation are totally missing. The suffering Christ on a cross first appeared in the fifth century, and then not very convincingly.
Quote ID: 479
Time Periods: 2345
Book ID: 25 Page: 299
Section: 2E3
The New Testament Church began as a small group house church (Col. 4:15) and it remained so until the middle or end of the third century. There are no evidences of larger places of meeting before 300. Actually, evidence of any kind remains surprisingly sparse. Christians must have met in homes or other small edifices without sufficiently altering the structures to leave traces of their presence. What we have as evidence points only to the house church. At mid-third century we have in Dura-Europos a house remodeled to function as a church; in Rome we have in SS. Giovanni e Paolo a single room serving as the church meeting place until near the turn of the century, when a larger complex was formed. Street lists in Egypt indicate some homes were used as churches. Thousands of Christians met throughout the Mediterranean basin for two centuries without leaving us solid data regarding their places of assembly. Those places of assembly must have been private homes not owned by the “church” and, therefore, not remodeled.
Quote ID: 480
Time Periods: 123
Book ID: 25 Page: 300
Section: 2E3
Not until the end of the fourth century can we find church edifices with a choir or confession.
Quote ID: 481
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 301
Section: 2A3
We have seen that the Agape—likely based on the Feeding of the Five Thousand, but derived, in practice, from the Greco-Roman meal for the dead––was eaten in cemeterial situations. It appears in cemetery art as an actual meal. Structures for its celebration have been found in martyria, covered cemeteries, and the catacombs. Its symbols—fish, bread and wine—pervade all of early Christian symbolism and art. Despite the basic nature of this meal, there is no clear reason to suppose it was practiced outside the cemetery situation, just as there is no way to determine by archaeology the nature of any meal in the house church. From the literature one would suppose the ἀνάμνησις eucharist was celebrated in the house church.
Quote ID: 482
Time Periods: 234
Book ID: 25 Page: 304/305
Section: 2E3
The Christianity made official by Constantine had already developed public structures. The “conversion” of Constantine must have also included a consciousness of the political usefulness of these structures.
Quote ID: 7420
Time Periods: 234
Book ID: 25 Page: 305
Section: 1A
Ante pacem one looks nearly in vain for the type of language one finds in the New Testament, the Apostolic Fathers, and the Apologists.
Quote ID: 483
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 305/306
Section: 1A
Constantine catapulted this new faith community into a larger public role. It was the Church of the late fourth century that tried to compromise, and therefore alter, the Christianity of the ante pacem period.
Quote ID: 484
Time Periods: 4
Book ID: 25 Page: 305
Section: 3C
Until Constantine [Christian names] were infrequent, because people were not particularly “born” Christian, or at least the tradition of the language filed was not yet set sufficiently to influence local people.
Quote ID: 7421
Time Periods: 234
Book ID: 25 Page: 275,277
Section: 2C
(Translation)some of you take ..
with you to Maximos the papa and ….
. . . .
Little can be done with the title “papa.” It only indicates that the term “pope” could be used for a bishop other than the bishop of Rome. It fits well, of course, with the early understanding of the faith community as a family—brothers and sisters led by a father or mother.
Quote ID: 471
Time Periods: 123
End of quotes